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INDO communitiesContemporary Indo communities exist throughout the world. Dispersed and scattered around the globe. Often grasping at an elusive cultural heritage and sense of community & unity.
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Indos in the United States of America
During the 1950s and 1960s an estimated 60,000 Indos arrived in the USA, where they have smoothly integrated into mainstream American society. American Indos are sometimes also referred to as Dutch-Indonesians, Indonesian-Dutch, Indo-Europeans and Amerindos . They are a relatively small Eurasian refugee-immigrant group in the United States of America. More recently they are using the term Dutch Indos iso Dutch Indonesians.
Reasons for immigration to the U.S.A.
The majority of the 60,000 U.S. Indos repatriated to the Netherlands before they immigrated to the U.S.A. in the late 1950s and early 1960s. These Indos felt Dutch society in the 50's was not prepared for the unexpected postwar influx of hundreds of thousands Eurasians from the former Dutch East Indies colony, competing for housing and employment. They did not experience a warm welcome to the Dutch mother country and felt their war and post-war trials and tribulations were not sufficiently acknowledged by the Dutch.
Although familiar with the distinction between European and native Indonesian, the Dutch appeared not to be familiar with the existence of an in-between, Eurasian category of people. Even though Indos represent a kaleidoscope of color, ranging from those with blond hair and blue eyes to those with dark skin and black eyes and anything in between, their objection to being referred to by terms denoting skin color and the lack of recognition of the European status they held dearly in the former colony, led to their migration to the U.S.A.
Registration and location in the U.S.A.
The Indos mainly entered the U.S.A. under legislative refugee measures and were sponsored by Christian organizations such as the Church World Service and the Catholic Relief Services. An accurate count of Indo immigrants is not available, as the U.S. Census classified people according to their self-determined ethnic affiliation. The Indos could have therefore been included in overlapping categories of "country of origin”, “other Asians," "total foreign”, “mixed parentage”, "total foreign-born” and “foreign mother tongue". However the Indos that settled in the USA via the legislative refugee measures number at least 25,000 people.
Indos can be found in all fifty states, with a majority in southern California. The 1970 U.S. Census recorded 28,000 foreign-born Dutch (Dutch not born in the Netherlands) in California, while the 6 traditional Dutch American stronghold states Michigan, New York, New Jersey, Illinois and Washington as well as Florida hosted most of the other 50,000 foreign born Dutch.
The formation of Indo enclaves was prevented because of various factors. Indos settled initially with their sponsors or in locations offered to them by the sponsor. Indos also had a wide variety of occupations and in this respect were not limited to certain geographic areas. There were no forces in the host society limiting the choice of location. Moreover there was a full choice as to where to settle, with the economic factor of family income as only limitation.
Legislative refugee measures
The original post-war refugee legislation of 1948, already adhering to a strict 'affidavit of support' policy, was still maintaining a colour bar making it difficult for Indos to emigrate to the USA. By 1951 American consulates in the Netherlands registered 33.500 requests and had waiting times of 3 to 5 years. Also the Walter-McCarren Act of 1953 adhered to the traditional American policy of keeping down immigrants from Asia. The yearly quota for Indonesia was limited to a 100 visas, even though Dutch foreign affairs attempted to profile Indos as refugees from the alleged pro-communist Sukarno administration.
The 1953 flood disaster in the Netherlands resulted in the Refugee Relief Act including a slot for 15,000 ethnic Dutch that had at least 50% European blood (one year later loosened to Dutch citizens with at least 2 Dutch grandparents) and an immaculate legal and political track record. In 1954 only 187 visas were actually granted. Partly influenced by the anti-western rethoric and policies of the Sukarno administration the anti-communist senator Francis E. Walter pleaded for a second term of the Refugee Relief Act in 1957 and an additional slot of 15,000 visas in 1958.
In 1958 the Pastore-Walter Act (Act for the relief of certain distressed alliens) was passed allowing for a one off acceptance of 10,000 Dutchmen from Indonesia (excluding the regular annual quota of 3.136 visas). It was hoped however that only 10% of these Dutch refugees would in fact be racially mixed Indos and the American embassy in The Hague was frustrated with the fact that Canada, where they were more strict in their ethnic profiling, was getting the full blooded Dutch and the USA was getting Dutch "all rather heavily dark". Still in 1960 senators Pastore and Walter managed to get a second 2 year term for their act which was used by a great number of Indo 'Spijtoptanten' (Repentis).
Developments in the U.S.A.
Unlike in the Netherlands U.S. Indos do not increase numerically. This is due to their relative small numbers and geographical dispersion. Also the disappearance of a proverbial "old country" able to supply a continual influx of new immigrants stimulates the rapid assimilation of U.S. Indos into the U.S.A. Although several Indo clubs have existed throughout the second half of the 20th century, the community's elders are passing away steadily. Some experts expect that within the lifespan of the second and third generation the community will be assimilated and disappear completely into American multi-cultural society. The great leap in technological innovation of the 20th and 21st century, in the areas of communication and media, is mitigating the geographical dispersion and diversity of American Indos. Triggered by the loss of family and community elders American Indos are starting to rapidly reclaim their cultural heritage as well as sense of community.
Famous American Indos:
Eddie & Alex Van Halen; Mark-Paul Harry Gosselaar; Michelle Branch; Das Williams; James Intveld; Kristin Kreuk; Joyce Luther Kennard
Reasons for immigration to the U.S.A.
The majority of the 60,000 U.S. Indos repatriated to the Netherlands before they immigrated to the U.S.A. in the late 1950s and early 1960s. These Indos felt Dutch society in the 50's was not prepared for the unexpected postwar influx of hundreds of thousands Eurasians from the former Dutch East Indies colony, competing for housing and employment. They did not experience a warm welcome to the Dutch mother country and felt their war and post-war trials and tribulations were not sufficiently acknowledged by the Dutch.
Although familiar with the distinction between European and native Indonesian, the Dutch appeared not to be familiar with the existence of an in-between, Eurasian category of people. Even though Indos represent a kaleidoscope of color, ranging from those with blond hair and blue eyes to those with dark skin and black eyes and anything in between, their objection to being referred to by terms denoting skin color and the lack of recognition of the European status they held dearly in the former colony, led to their migration to the U.S.A.
Registration and location in the U.S.A.
The Indos mainly entered the U.S.A. under legislative refugee measures and were sponsored by Christian organizations such as the Church World Service and the Catholic Relief Services. An accurate count of Indo immigrants is not available, as the U.S. Census classified people according to their self-determined ethnic affiliation. The Indos could have therefore been included in overlapping categories of "country of origin”, “other Asians," "total foreign”, “mixed parentage”, "total foreign-born” and “foreign mother tongue". However the Indos that settled in the USA via the legislative refugee measures number at least 25,000 people.
Indos can be found in all fifty states, with a majority in southern California. The 1970 U.S. Census recorded 28,000 foreign-born Dutch (Dutch not born in the Netherlands) in California, while the 6 traditional Dutch American stronghold states Michigan, New York, New Jersey, Illinois and Washington as well as Florida hosted most of the other 50,000 foreign born Dutch.
The formation of Indo enclaves was prevented because of various factors. Indos settled initially with their sponsors or in locations offered to them by the sponsor. Indos also had a wide variety of occupations and in this respect were not limited to certain geographic areas. There were no forces in the host society limiting the choice of location. Moreover there was a full choice as to where to settle, with the economic factor of family income as only limitation.
Legislative refugee measures
The original post-war refugee legislation of 1948, already adhering to a strict 'affidavit of support' policy, was still maintaining a colour bar making it difficult for Indos to emigrate to the USA. By 1951 American consulates in the Netherlands registered 33.500 requests and had waiting times of 3 to 5 years. Also the Walter-McCarren Act of 1953 adhered to the traditional American policy of keeping down immigrants from Asia. The yearly quota for Indonesia was limited to a 100 visas, even though Dutch foreign affairs attempted to profile Indos as refugees from the alleged pro-communist Sukarno administration.
The 1953 flood disaster in the Netherlands resulted in the Refugee Relief Act including a slot for 15,000 ethnic Dutch that had at least 50% European blood (one year later loosened to Dutch citizens with at least 2 Dutch grandparents) and an immaculate legal and political track record. In 1954 only 187 visas were actually granted. Partly influenced by the anti-western rethoric and policies of the Sukarno administration the anti-communist senator Francis E. Walter pleaded for a second term of the Refugee Relief Act in 1957 and an additional slot of 15,000 visas in 1958.
In 1958 the Pastore-Walter Act (Act for the relief of certain distressed alliens) was passed allowing for a one off acceptance of 10,000 Dutchmen from Indonesia (excluding the regular annual quota of 3.136 visas). It was hoped however that only 10% of these Dutch refugees would in fact be racially mixed Indos and the American embassy in The Hague was frustrated with the fact that Canada, where they were more strict in their ethnic profiling, was getting the full blooded Dutch and the USA was getting Dutch "all rather heavily dark". Still in 1960 senators Pastore and Walter managed to get a second 2 year term for their act which was used by a great number of Indo 'Spijtoptanten' (Repentis).
Developments in the U.S.A.
Unlike in the Netherlands U.S. Indos do not increase numerically. This is due to their relative small numbers and geographical dispersion. Also the disappearance of a proverbial "old country" able to supply a continual influx of new immigrants stimulates the rapid assimilation of U.S. Indos into the U.S.A. Although several Indo clubs have existed throughout the second half of the 20th century, the community's elders are passing away steadily. Some experts expect that within the lifespan of the second and third generation the community will be assimilated and disappear completely into American multi-cultural society. The great leap in technological innovation of the 20th and 21st century, in the areas of communication and media, is mitigating the geographical dispersion and diversity of American Indos. Triggered by the loss of family and community elders American Indos are starting to rapidly reclaim their cultural heritage as well as sense of community.
Famous American Indos:
Eddie & Alex Van Halen; Mark-Paul Harry Gosselaar; Michelle Branch; Das Williams; James Intveld; Kristin Kreuk; Joyce Luther Kennard
Indos in Australia
Notwithstanding Australia’s ‘White Policy’ during the 50’s and 60’s approximately 10,000 Indos migrated to Australia, mostly via the Netherlands. With regard to mixed-race Eurasians, who were called NPEO’s (Non Pure European Origine) by the Australian Ministries, subjective decision making became the norm of the policy until the 70’s.<ref P.272
Migration to Australia
During WWII a large refugee community from the Dutch East Indies existed in Australia of which 1,000 chose to stay in Australia after the War.<ref P.278The Dutch-Australian agreement signed in 1951, to stimulate immigration to the Australia did not bypass Australia’s overall ‘White Policy’, which considerably hampered the immigration of Indos.<ref P.270
In the early 50’s Australian immigration officials based in 3 offices in the Netherlands screened potential Indo migrants on skin color and western orientation. Refusals were never motivated or explained. Notes to the applicants read this standard sentence in English: “It is not the policy of the department to give reasons so please do not ask.” <ref P.271 In 1956 an Australian security official publicly stated in the Australian newspaper that Dutch Eurasians may become a serious social problem and even an Asian fifth column.<ref P.272
In the early 60’s only vocationally skilled migrants were accepted to Australia. Originally applicants were required to be of 100% European descent. Later Indos were required to show a family tree proving 75% European descent. Eventually the key question posed by Australian officials was: “Would they be noticed, if they walked down the streets of Canberra or Melbourne or Sydney, as being European or non-European?” <ref P.271
In the 70’s an attempt to make the policy more objective, a procedure was implemented that gave the applicant the opportunity to ask for a second opinion by a different official. Both decisions were then weighed by a higher official. Anti-Asian migration policies started to chang and in 1976 Australian immigration officials were even dispatched to Asia. Consequently Indo migrants were less and less subject to discrimination based on skincolor.
Migration to Australia
During WWII a large refugee community from the Dutch East Indies existed in Australia of which 1,000 chose to stay in Australia after the War.<ref P.278The Dutch-Australian agreement signed in 1951, to stimulate immigration to the Australia did not bypass Australia’s overall ‘White Policy’, which considerably hampered the immigration of Indos.<ref P.270
In the early 50’s Australian immigration officials based in 3 offices in the Netherlands screened potential Indo migrants on skin color and western orientation. Refusals were never motivated or explained. Notes to the applicants read this standard sentence in English: “It is not the policy of the department to give reasons so please do not ask.” <ref P.271 In 1956 an Australian security official publicly stated in the Australian newspaper that Dutch Eurasians may become a serious social problem and even an Asian fifth column.<ref P.272
In the early 60’s only vocationally skilled migrants were accepted to Australia. Originally applicants were required to be of 100% European descent. Later Indos were required to show a family tree proving 75% European descent. Eventually the key question posed by Australian officials was: “Would they be noticed, if they walked down the streets of Canberra or Melbourne or Sydney, as being European or non-European?” <ref P.271
In the 70’s an attempt to make the policy more objective, a procedure was implemented that gave the applicant the opportunity to ask for a second opinion by a different official. Both decisions were then weighed by a higher official. Anti-Asian migration policies started to chang and in 1976 Australian immigration officials were even dispatched to Asia. Consequently Indo migrants were less and less subject to discrimination based on skincolor.
Source: Wim Willems 'De uittocht uit Indie 1945-1995' (Publisher: Bert Bakker, 2001, Amsterdam) ISBN 90 351 2361 1
Indos in Indonesia
Notwithstanding most research has focused on the Indos in Diaspora and it has been established that the majority of Indos that were legally recognized as Europeans in the Dutch East Indies, migrated from Indonesia, a significant Eurasian group can still be found there. Indonesian researchers suggest that at least 1 million Indonesians have a European bloodline. Most Indo families in Diaspora have relatives in Indonesia. Even when taking into account the popular definition of the term Indo used in contemporary Indonesia, the background of the majority of Indos in Indonesia can be traced back to the colonial era.
Some contemporary sources in Indonesia claim that at least 1 million Indonesians have a European bloodline. Unlike in the UK, where DNA research showed many of their citizens have a Norsemen|Scandinavian i.e. Viking bloodline, so far no such DNA research had been done in Indonesia. However it is well known that many islands have populations that descend from European forefathers e.g. the Portuguese Topasses and Larantuqueiros descendants on Timor, Flores and Solor. In Australia DNA study was done to determine how much Dutch DNA is mixed with the Aboriginals in a particular areas where there were many shipwrecks. The study is being done by the VOC Historical Society in Perth.
"...the place that the Indos ...occupy in our colonial society has been altered. In spite of everything, the Indos are gradually becoming Indonesians, or one could say that the Indonesians are gradually coming to the level of the Indos. The evolution of the deeply ingrained process of transformation in our society first established the Indos in a privileged position, and now that same process is withdrawing those privileges. Even if they retain their 'European" status before the law, they will still be on a level with the Indonesians, because there are and will continue to be many more educated Indonesians than Indos. Their privileged position thus is losing its social foundation, and as a result that position itself will also disappear.” Sutan Sjahrir, 1937
In all his foresight Sjahrir did not foresee the Indo community itself practically disappear from Indonesia only 20 years after he wrote this statement.
Indo descendants from the colonial era
During colonial times Indos were not always formally recognized and registered as Europeans. A considerable number of Indos integrated into their respective local indigenous societies and have never been officially registered as either European or Eurasian sub-group. Exact numbers are unknown. But a group of around 12,000 has been identified by the Indo community in Diaspora and consequently receives support from their overseas Indo beneficiaries.
Another group of Indos, that did enjoy European status in colonial times, willingly opted for Indonesian citizenship. Although most of them did not endure the hardships of the early post colonial years and eventually repatriated to the Netherlands. Notable exceptions are Ibu Nos Fransz, Ferry Sonneville and Ernest Douwes Dekker. Most European family names have been changed to Indonesian sounding names.
As Indo women outnumbered the men a third considerable group consists of the Indo women married to mostly Christian Indonesians. By default this sizeable group became Indonesian citizens. Notable examples are Nelly van Amden married to the Indonesian war hero Alexander Evert Kawilarang and Rochmaria Jeane mother to former Indonesian Minister of Defense Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani. Also the Minister of Tourism Ave was of Indo descent.
Case studies by organisations such as Halin show a fourth group concerns Indo children that had either lost their parents or needed to take care of an immobile parent during the years following Indonesian independence and were unable to attain the necessary Dutch travel papers.
Indos in Indonesian media
The presence of Indos in Indonesian media is abundant. More than 50% of the many Indonesian sitcom celebrities have European blood, which can be verified at their websites. Most popular Indonesian bands have at least a few Indo band members. Also the marketing and advertisement industry often uses Indo models and actors to promote products.
At times this dominant position of Indos in Indonesian media fuels national debate. For instance in 2005 when the show Joe Millionaire Indonesia was aired, where dozens of women fought over the Indo Marlon or when the FHM issue with Indo playmate Petra Verkaik was released in Jakarta and sold out in record time.
Indos in the Indonesian film industry
Indo actors are popular with both audiences and movie producers and directors alike. While in the past Indo actors were usually chosen to play upper class roles, they now cover the whole array of acting roles. Established and respected directors such as Nia Dinata, Mira Lesmana (Mira Lesmana, a film producer and film director, has an Indo grandmother from her father side) and Riri Riza have mainly chosen Indo actors for lead roles in their movies.
Even for the 2005 biographical movie Gie, which tells the tale of the Chinese student Soe Hok Gie who challenged the power of Sukarno, the Indo actor Nicholas Saputra was selected. In 2004 the Indonesian Ministry for Culture and Tourism initiated a contest for the best film script. The award winning script was about an Indo girl named Anne.
Indos in modern Indonesian society
Outside of the media spotlight Indo communities in Indonesia are clustered around big cities such as Jakarta, Bogor, Bandung and Malang. In Bandung Indos such as Felix Feitsma, a teacher at the School for Tourism, are involved in the Bandung Society for Heritage Conservation. In Malang the Indo upper class is clustered in particular neighbourhoods and Sunday ceremony in the Sion Church is still in Dutch. In Bandung over 2000 poor Indos are supported by overseas organisations such as Halin and the Alan Neys Memorial Fund.
Another place with a relatively large Dutch speaking Indo community is Depok, on Java. Smaller communities still exist in places such as Kampung Tugu in Koja, Jakarta. Recently after the Aceh region in Sumatra became more widely accessible, following post Tsunami relief work, the media also discovered a closed Indo Eurasian community of devout Muslims in the Lanbo area.
Like the Chinese minority in Indonesia also most Indos have changed their family names to blend into mainstream society and prevent discrimination. The latest trend among Indo-Chinese and Indo-Europeans is to change them back.
Famous Indonesian Indos:
Anna Shirley actress; Barry Prima actor; Bertrand Antolin model; Bianca Adinegoro, former model, director; Cinta Laura actress; Cathy Sharon video jockey; Darius Sinathrya TV host; Ferry Sonneville badminton player; Nino Fernandez (German father, Indonesian mother) actor, model, comedian; Kerenina Sunny Halim (Indonesian father, American mother) Miss Indonesia, model; Irfan Bachdim football player; Jamie Aditya musician, former video jockey; Julie Estelle actress; Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani, general; Luna Maya model; Manohara Pinot model; Marcel Chandrawinata actor, model; Mariana Renata model; Marlon Gerber surfer; Mischa Chandrawinata actor, model; Nadine Ames model; Nadine Chandrawinata model; Nadya Hutagalung model, former video jockey; Nicholas Saputra actor, model, video jockey; Sophia Latjuba actress; Suzzanna; Tamara Bleszynski actress, model; Vicky Burki actress; Yapto Soerjosoemarno politician.
Some contemporary sources in Indonesia claim that at least 1 million Indonesians have a European bloodline. Unlike in the UK, where DNA research showed many of their citizens have a Norsemen|Scandinavian i.e. Viking bloodline, so far no such DNA research had been done in Indonesia. However it is well known that many islands have populations that descend from European forefathers e.g. the Portuguese Topasses and Larantuqueiros descendants on Timor, Flores and Solor. In Australia DNA study was done to determine how much Dutch DNA is mixed with the Aboriginals in a particular areas where there were many shipwrecks. The study is being done by the VOC Historical Society in Perth.
"...the place that the Indos ...occupy in our colonial society has been altered. In spite of everything, the Indos are gradually becoming Indonesians, or one could say that the Indonesians are gradually coming to the level of the Indos. The evolution of the deeply ingrained process of transformation in our society first established the Indos in a privileged position, and now that same process is withdrawing those privileges. Even if they retain their 'European" status before the law, they will still be on a level with the Indonesians, because there are and will continue to be many more educated Indonesians than Indos. Their privileged position thus is losing its social foundation, and as a result that position itself will also disappear.” Sutan Sjahrir, 1937
In all his foresight Sjahrir did not foresee the Indo community itself practically disappear from Indonesia only 20 years after he wrote this statement.
Indo descendants from the colonial era
During colonial times Indos were not always formally recognized and registered as Europeans. A considerable number of Indos integrated into their respective local indigenous societies and have never been officially registered as either European or Eurasian sub-group. Exact numbers are unknown. But a group of around 12,000 has been identified by the Indo community in Diaspora and consequently receives support from their overseas Indo beneficiaries.
Another group of Indos, that did enjoy European status in colonial times, willingly opted for Indonesian citizenship. Although most of them did not endure the hardships of the early post colonial years and eventually repatriated to the Netherlands. Notable exceptions are Ibu Nos Fransz, Ferry Sonneville and Ernest Douwes Dekker. Most European family names have been changed to Indonesian sounding names.
As Indo women outnumbered the men a third considerable group consists of the Indo women married to mostly Christian Indonesians. By default this sizeable group became Indonesian citizens. Notable examples are Nelly van Amden married to the Indonesian war hero Alexander Evert Kawilarang and Rochmaria Jeane mother to former Indonesian Minister of Defense Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani. Also the Minister of Tourism Ave was of Indo descent.
Case studies by organisations such as Halin show a fourth group concerns Indo children that had either lost their parents or needed to take care of an immobile parent during the years following Indonesian independence and were unable to attain the necessary Dutch travel papers.
Indos in Indonesian media
The presence of Indos in Indonesian media is abundant. More than 50% of the many Indonesian sitcom celebrities have European blood, which can be verified at their websites. Most popular Indonesian bands have at least a few Indo band members. Also the marketing and advertisement industry often uses Indo models and actors to promote products.
At times this dominant position of Indos in Indonesian media fuels national debate. For instance in 2005 when the show Joe Millionaire Indonesia was aired, where dozens of women fought over the Indo Marlon or when the FHM issue with Indo playmate Petra Verkaik was released in Jakarta and sold out in record time.
Indos in the Indonesian film industry
Indo actors are popular with both audiences and movie producers and directors alike. While in the past Indo actors were usually chosen to play upper class roles, they now cover the whole array of acting roles. Established and respected directors such as Nia Dinata, Mira Lesmana (Mira Lesmana, a film producer and film director, has an Indo grandmother from her father side) and Riri Riza have mainly chosen Indo actors for lead roles in their movies.
Even for the 2005 biographical movie Gie, which tells the tale of the Chinese student Soe Hok Gie who challenged the power of Sukarno, the Indo actor Nicholas Saputra was selected. In 2004 the Indonesian Ministry for Culture and Tourism initiated a contest for the best film script. The award winning script was about an Indo girl named Anne.
Indos in modern Indonesian society
Outside of the media spotlight Indo communities in Indonesia are clustered around big cities such as Jakarta, Bogor, Bandung and Malang. In Bandung Indos such as Felix Feitsma, a teacher at the School for Tourism, are involved in the Bandung Society for Heritage Conservation. In Malang the Indo upper class is clustered in particular neighbourhoods and Sunday ceremony in the Sion Church is still in Dutch. In Bandung over 2000 poor Indos are supported by overseas organisations such as Halin and the Alan Neys Memorial Fund.
Another place with a relatively large Dutch speaking Indo community is Depok, on Java. Smaller communities still exist in places such as Kampung Tugu in Koja, Jakarta. Recently after the Aceh region in Sumatra became more widely accessible, following post Tsunami relief work, the media also discovered a closed Indo Eurasian community of devout Muslims in the Lanbo area.
Like the Chinese minority in Indonesia also most Indos have changed their family names to blend into mainstream society and prevent discrimination. The latest trend among Indo-Chinese and Indo-Europeans is to change them back.
Famous Indonesian Indos:
Anna Shirley actress; Barry Prima actor; Bertrand Antolin model; Bianca Adinegoro, former model, director; Cinta Laura actress; Cathy Sharon video jockey; Darius Sinathrya TV host; Ferry Sonneville badminton player; Nino Fernandez (German father, Indonesian mother) actor, model, comedian; Kerenina Sunny Halim (Indonesian father, American mother) Miss Indonesia, model; Irfan Bachdim football player; Jamie Aditya musician, former video jockey; Julie Estelle actress; Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani, general; Luna Maya model; Manohara Pinot model; Marcel Chandrawinata actor, model; Mariana Renata model; Marlon Gerber surfer; Mischa Chandrawinata actor, model; Nadine Ames model; Nadine Chandrawinata model; Nadya Hutagalung model, former video jockey; Nicholas Saputra actor, model, video jockey; Sophia Latjuba actress; Suzzanna; Tamara Bleszynski actress, model; Vicky Burki actress; Yapto Soerjosoemarno politician.
Indos in the Netherlands
In 1990 the Dutch Central Bureau for Statistics (CBS) registered the number of first-generation Indos living in the Netherlands at around 180,000 people. In 2001 official registration, including the second generation, accumulate their numbers to around half a million. Based on this the estimations, which include the third generation, reach up to at least 800,000 people. This makes them by far the largest minority community in the Netherlands.
Integration of Indos in the Netherlands
In the 1990s and early 21st century the Netherlands was confronted with ethnic tension in a now multi-cultural society. (In 2006 statistics show that in Rotterdam, the second largest city in the country, close to 50% of the inhabitants were of foreign descent.) The Indo community however is considered the best integrated ethnic and cultural minority in the Netherlands. Statistical data compiled by the CBS shows that Indos belong to the group with the lowest crime rates in the country.
A CBS study of 1999 reveals that of all foreign born groups living in the Netherlands, only the Indos have an average income similar to that of citizens born in the Netherlands. Job participation in government, education and health care is similar as well. Another recent CBS study, among foreign born citizens and their children living in the Netherlands in 2005, shows that on average, Indos own the largest number of independent enterprises. A 2007 CBS study shows that already over 50% of first-generation Indos have married a native born Dutch person. A percentage that increased to 80% for the second generation. One of the first and oldest Indo organisations that supported the integration of Indo repatriates into the Netherlands is the Pelita foundation.
Although Indo repatriates, being born overseas, are officially registered as Dutch citizens of foreign descent, their Eurasian background puts them in the Western sub-class instead of the Non-Western (Asian) sub-class.
Two factors are usually attributed to the essence of their apparently seamless assimilation into Dutch society: Dutch citizenship and the amount of 'Dutch cultural capital', in the form of school attainments and familiarity with the Dutch language and culture, that Indos already possessed before migrating to the Netherlands.
Indo culture in the Netherlands
Indo culinary culture has made the strongest and most enduring impact on Dutch society. There is no other place outside Indonesia with such an abundance of Indonesian food available. Indos played a pivotal role in introducing both Indonesian cuisine and Indo fusion cuisine to the Netherlands, making it so popular some consider it an integral part of Dutch cuisine. The Countess C.van Limburg Stirum writes in her book "The Art of Dutch Cooking" (1962): There exist countless Indonesian dishes, some of which take hours to prepare; but a few easy ones have become so popular that they can be regarded as "national dishes".
She then provides recipes for dishes that have all become commonplace in the Netherlands nasi goreng (fried rice), pisang goreng (baked bananas), lumpia goreng (fried spring rolls), bami (fried noodles), satay (grilled skewered meat), satay sauce (peanut sauce), and sambal oelek (chilli paste). Practically each town in the Netherlands will have an Indies or Indonesian restaurant and Toko (shop). Even most Chinese restaurants have included Indonesian dishes to their menu such as Babi Pangang (roasted pork) and changed their names into Chinese Indies Restaurants. The Netherlands is in fact the only country where people eat satay peanut sauce iso of ketchup or mayonnaise on their French fries.
Next to their culinary culture, Indo influence in Dutch society is mostly reflected in the arts, i.e. music and literature. The biggest manifestation of Indo culture in the world is the Tong Tong Fair, formerly known as the Pasar Malam Besar event, which is organized in the Netherlands every year. The main musical formats Indos introduced to Europe are Kroncong and Indorock. Indo culture by definition is a mix of various European and Indonesian elements. The dominant language spoken by the majority remains Dutch. Indos were never formally educated in the Indonesian language. But many were fluent in its predecessor the lingua franca 'Malay'. Their mix language known as Petjok (a Dutch/Malay creole, comparable to French/African Patois, or the Portuguese/Macanese Patua) is slowly dying out completely. The single most important champion of Indo culture was the avant garde and visionary writer Tjalie Robinson (1911–1974), who co-founded the Tong Tong Fair.
First-generation Indos in the Netherlands
Notwithstanding the fact that Indos in the former colony of the Dutch East Indies were officially part of the European legal class and were formally considered to be Dutch nationals, the Dutch government always practiced an official policy of discouragement with regard to the post-WWII repatriation of Indos to the Netherlands. While Dutch policy was in fact aimed at stimulating Indos to give up Dutch citizenship and opt for Indonesian citizenship, simultaneously the young Indonesian Republic implemented policies increasingly intolerant towards anything remotely reminiscent of Dutch influence. Even though actual aggression against Indos decreased after the extreme violence of the Bersiap period, all Dutch (language) institutions, schools and businesses were gradually eliminated and public discrimination and racism against Indos in the Indonesian job market continued. In the end 98% of the original Indo community repatriated to their distant fatherland in Europe.
In the Netherlands the first generation Indo repatriates quickly adapted to the host society’s culture and at least outwardly adopted all customs associated with it. Exactly as was the case in the old colony the necessity to blend in with dominant Dutch culture remained paramount for social and professional advancement. For the most part Indo customs became restricted to the private habitat and even there they were under pressure to be discarded. Unlike in the Dutch East Indies pressure to assimilate invaded even the intimacy of the private household. On a regular basis Indos that were lodged in guest houses were carefully screened for so called ‘oriental practices’ by social workers. These deviating ‘oriental practices’ included the private use of any language other than Dutch, the home preparation of Indonesian food, wearing clothing from the Indies, using water for hygiene in the toilet (botol cebok) and even the practice of taking daily baths. All of these practices were highly discouraged or even forbidden.
A small progressive cultural elite around the avant-garde visionary Tjalie Robinson resisted assimilation and struggled to describe, promote and preserve a unique Indo cultural domain. Under both heavy social and formal pressure to assimilate into Dutch culture and society and still carrying the burden of the traumatic World War II and Bersiap experience the vast majority of first generation Indos was not ready yet to embark on a wide scale search for identity. Apart from the rebellious Indo rockers led by Andy Tielman most Indos compliantly focused on civil integration. And even the Indorockers were forced to seek musical engagements abroad. In what is described in literature as ‘the great silence’ the supposedly ‘noiseless Indo’ disappeared from Dutch consciousness. Throughout the assimilation process of the first decennia much historic and cultural awareness faded even from the community itself.
Third-generation Indos in the Netherlands
Although third- and fourth-generation Indos are part of a fairly large minority community in the Netherlands, the path of assimilation ventured by their parents and grandparents has left them with little knowledge of their actual roots and history, even to the point that they find it hard to recognise their own cultural features. Some Indos find it hard to grasp the concept of their Eurasian identity and either tend to disregard their Indonesian roots or on the contrary attempt to profile themselves as Indonesian. In recent years however the reinvigorated search for roots and identity has also produced several academic studies.
In her master thesis published in 2010 Dutch scholar Nora Iburg argues that for third-generation Indos in the Netherlands there is no need to define the essence of a common Indo group identity and concludes that for them there is in fact no true essence of Indo identity except for its’ hybrid nature.
’Third generation Indos in the Netherlands are nomadic thinkers, concentrating on a consciousness (and evolution) of Indo identity […], in stead of the illusion that the essence of Indo identity can be determined. This nomadic consciousness enables them to re-think and re-invent static categories. Nomadism gives its subject energy to fade out borders without burning bridges.’ Nora Iburg, 2010.
However to be able to do this there can not be disregard of history and she mentions the re-construction of family history as the first step.
'Only by doing justice to history and acknowledging the memories and emotions of the first generation, the next generations will be able to construct their own identities.' Nora Iburg, 2010
Integration of Indos in the Netherlands
In the 1990s and early 21st century the Netherlands was confronted with ethnic tension in a now multi-cultural society. (In 2006 statistics show that in Rotterdam, the second largest city in the country, close to 50% of the inhabitants were of foreign descent.) The Indo community however is considered the best integrated ethnic and cultural minority in the Netherlands. Statistical data compiled by the CBS shows that Indos belong to the group with the lowest crime rates in the country.
A CBS study of 1999 reveals that of all foreign born groups living in the Netherlands, only the Indos have an average income similar to that of citizens born in the Netherlands. Job participation in government, education and health care is similar as well. Another recent CBS study, among foreign born citizens and their children living in the Netherlands in 2005, shows that on average, Indos own the largest number of independent enterprises. A 2007 CBS study shows that already over 50% of first-generation Indos have married a native born Dutch person. A percentage that increased to 80% for the second generation. One of the first and oldest Indo organisations that supported the integration of Indo repatriates into the Netherlands is the Pelita foundation.
Although Indo repatriates, being born overseas, are officially registered as Dutch citizens of foreign descent, their Eurasian background puts them in the Western sub-class instead of the Non-Western (Asian) sub-class.
Two factors are usually attributed to the essence of their apparently seamless assimilation into Dutch society: Dutch citizenship and the amount of 'Dutch cultural capital', in the form of school attainments and familiarity with the Dutch language and culture, that Indos already possessed before migrating to the Netherlands.
Indo culture in the Netherlands
Indo culinary culture has made the strongest and most enduring impact on Dutch society. There is no other place outside Indonesia with such an abundance of Indonesian food available. Indos played a pivotal role in introducing both Indonesian cuisine and Indo fusion cuisine to the Netherlands, making it so popular some consider it an integral part of Dutch cuisine. The Countess C.van Limburg Stirum writes in her book "The Art of Dutch Cooking" (1962): There exist countless Indonesian dishes, some of which take hours to prepare; but a few easy ones have become so popular that they can be regarded as "national dishes".
She then provides recipes for dishes that have all become commonplace in the Netherlands nasi goreng (fried rice), pisang goreng (baked bananas), lumpia goreng (fried spring rolls), bami (fried noodles), satay (grilled skewered meat), satay sauce (peanut sauce), and sambal oelek (chilli paste). Practically each town in the Netherlands will have an Indies or Indonesian restaurant and Toko (shop). Even most Chinese restaurants have included Indonesian dishes to their menu such as Babi Pangang (roasted pork) and changed their names into Chinese Indies Restaurants. The Netherlands is in fact the only country where people eat satay peanut sauce iso of ketchup or mayonnaise on their French fries.
Next to their culinary culture, Indo influence in Dutch society is mostly reflected in the arts, i.e. music and literature. The biggest manifestation of Indo culture in the world is the Tong Tong Fair, formerly known as the Pasar Malam Besar event, which is organized in the Netherlands every year. The main musical formats Indos introduced to Europe are Kroncong and Indorock. Indo culture by definition is a mix of various European and Indonesian elements. The dominant language spoken by the majority remains Dutch. Indos were never formally educated in the Indonesian language. But many were fluent in its predecessor the lingua franca 'Malay'. Their mix language known as Petjok (a Dutch/Malay creole, comparable to French/African Patois, or the Portuguese/Macanese Patua) is slowly dying out completely. The single most important champion of Indo culture was the avant garde and visionary writer Tjalie Robinson (1911–1974), who co-founded the Tong Tong Fair.
First-generation Indos in the Netherlands
Notwithstanding the fact that Indos in the former colony of the Dutch East Indies were officially part of the European legal class and were formally considered to be Dutch nationals, the Dutch government always practiced an official policy of discouragement with regard to the post-WWII repatriation of Indos to the Netherlands. While Dutch policy was in fact aimed at stimulating Indos to give up Dutch citizenship and opt for Indonesian citizenship, simultaneously the young Indonesian Republic implemented policies increasingly intolerant towards anything remotely reminiscent of Dutch influence. Even though actual aggression against Indos decreased after the extreme violence of the Bersiap period, all Dutch (language) institutions, schools and businesses were gradually eliminated and public discrimination and racism against Indos in the Indonesian job market continued. In the end 98% of the original Indo community repatriated to their distant fatherland in Europe.
In the Netherlands the first generation Indo repatriates quickly adapted to the host society’s culture and at least outwardly adopted all customs associated with it. Exactly as was the case in the old colony the necessity to blend in with dominant Dutch culture remained paramount for social and professional advancement. For the most part Indo customs became restricted to the private habitat and even there they were under pressure to be discarded. Unlike in the Dutch East Indies pressure to assimilate invaded even the intimacy of the private household. On a regular basis Indos that were lodged in guest houses were carefully screened for so called ‘oriental practices’ by social workers. These deviating ‘oriental practices’ included the private use of any language other than Dutch, the home preparation of Indonesian food, wearing clothing from the Indies, using water for hygiene in the toilet (botol cebok) and even the practice of taking daily baths. All of these practices were highly discouraged or even forbidden.
A small progressive cultural elite around the avant-garde visionary Tjalie Robinson resisted assimilation and struggled to describe, promote and preserve a unique Indo cultural domain. Under both heavy social and formal pressure to assimilate into Dutch culture and society and still carrying the burden of the traumatic World War II and Bersiap experience the vast majority of first generation Indos was not ready yet to embark on a wide scale search for identity. Apart from the rebellious Indo rockers led by Andy Tielman most Indos compliantly focused on civil integration. And even the Indorockers were forced to seek musical engagements abroad. In what is described in literature as ‘the great silence’ the supposedly ‘noiseless Indo’ disappeared from Dutch consciousness. Throughout the assimilation process of the first decennia much historic and cultural awareness faded even from the community itself.
Third-generation Indos in the Netherlands
Although third- and fourth-generation Indos are part of a fairly large minority community in the Netherlands, the path of assimilation ventured by their parents and grandparents has left them with little knowledge of their actual roots and history, even to the point that they find it hard to recognise their own cultural features. Some Indos find it hard to grasp the concept of their Eurasian identity and either tend to disregard their Indonesian roots or on the contrary attempt to profile themselves as Indonesian. In recent years however the reinvigorated search for roots and identity has also produced several academic studies.
In her master thesis published in 2010 Dutch scholar Nora Iburg argues that for third-generation Indos in the Netherlands there is no need to define the essence of a common Indo group identity and concludes that for them there is in fact no true essence of Indo identity except for its’ hybrid nature.
’Third generation Indos in the Netherlands are nomadic thinkers, concentrating on a consciousness (and evolution) of Indo identity […], in stead of the illusion that the essence of Indo identity can be determined. This nomadic consciousness enables them to re-think and re-invent static categories. Nomadism gives its subject energy to fade out borders without burning bridges.’ Nora Iburg, 2010.
However to be able to do this there can not be disregard of history and she mentions the re-construction of family history as the first step.
'Only by doing justice to history and acknowledging the memories and emotions of the first generation, the next generations will be able to construct their own identities.' Nora Iburg, 2010
Twijfel Indo from Hoezo Indo on Vimeo.
Snapshot Gallery
Family reunions in the Netherlands
Tong Tong Fair aka Pasar Malam Besar
The Pasar Malam Besar (also known as Tong Tong Fair) is the largest festival in the world for Indo (European-Indonesian) culture, held annually in The Netherlands. In 2009 it was renamed to 'Tong Tong Fair'. Established in 1959 it is one of the oldest festivals and the fourth largest grand fair in The Netherlands. It is also the annual event with the highest number of paying visitors of the Dutch city of The Hague, having consistently attracted more than 100,000 visitors since 1993. The name ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ is derived from the Indonesian/Malay language and literally means ‘Great Night Market’. The new name was chosen to emphasise its link with the 'Tong Tong Foundation' and its cultural mission.
Every summer the 'Tong Tong Fair' formerly known as the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ is raised on its dedicated fairground, called the ‘Malieveld’, close to the central train station of The Hague. 22.000 m² of festival terrain and many, mostly Indo, volunteers will facilitate visitors from both the Netherlands and abroad. The festival hosts three popular food courts, a culinary theatre, many large to medium stages for performance art, workshop areas, areas for lecture and interviews, market areas, as well as specific fair areas for trading merchandise.
Mission
The main mission of this unique Eurasian event is to celebrate, preserve and develop Indo culture at large and herewith serves the historical purpose of major festivals anywhere. In meeting its specific social needs and duties, as well as providing entertainment, it offers the Indo community a sense of belonging and unity. In its capacity of cultural platform and forum it informs community members of their roots and traditions, transferring knowledge and skills to next generations.
History
In defiance of government pressure to assimilate into Dutch society, a group of outspoken and independent Indos, organized in the so called ‘Indies Cultural Circle’, assembled around famous Indo intellectual Tjalie Robinson. One of their accomplishments was the founding of the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ in 1959. Its continued success in attracting visitors of all generations and presenting a diverse and progressive programme, while preserving the centuries old cultural ties with the Indonesian Archipelago has gone beyond their expectations. In 2003 HM Queen Beatrix herself officially opened the 45th ‘Pasar Malam Besar’. The royal opening was repeated in 2008 for its 50th edition, which was the last time the name Pasar Malam Besar was used.
Since the Indonesian National Revolution and the expulsion of all Dutch citizens from the Republic of Indonesia, the consequent fall out between the Netherlands and Indonesia has led to a long freeze of political, economical and even academic and cultural relations between the 2 nations. To a degree, this has lasted well into the 21st century. The Tong Tong Fair has always attempted to rekindle and foster those relations and since the 70’s consistently invited Indonesian artisans to the event. It was here that for instance the Royal princesses of Solo, daughters of Pakubuwono XII, performed the exclusive Serimpi dances in 1985. It was the first time in history these dances were ever performed outside the Kraton (Royal Palace) of Solo.
In 1985 the Tong Tong Fair also organised a benefit to help rebuild the Kraton of Solo, that was damaged by a fire. In 2006 the Tong Tong Fair organised a benefit to help Indonesian victims of the Tsunami.
Programme
Music and dance
Kroncong (Dutch: Krontjong, Indonesian: Keroncong) which is an age old music form, with roots in Portuguese Fado music, that developed in Indo communities around Batavia (Now Jakarta). Classic Kroncong orchestras can still be found in both The Netherlands and Indonesia. The other typical music form is called Indorock. It combines flamboyant showmanship and musical virtuoso, based on the American Rock and Roll idiom and has been played by Indo bands ever since the early fifties. With the participation of 3rd and 4th generation Indos, also DJ’s, Hiphoppers and urban live bands are taking their brand of Indo music to the stage at the 'Tong Tong Fair' / ‘Pasar Malam Besar’.
Food and beverage
The multi faceted Indo cuisine (Dutch: Indische keuken, Indonesian: masakan Indo) is considered one of the first fusion kitchens in the world and is heavily based on the kitchens of many different Indonesian areas. The classic ‘Rijsttafel’ (a Dutch word meaning `Rice-table’) is a prime example of a Eurasian culinary concept that wasn’t prevalent in pre-colonial Indonesia. The food courts present a wide range of traditional Indonesian and Asian dishes. The culinary theatre allows visitors to share and discuss recipes and make and taste dishes. The market stalls sell fresh Asian fruit such as durian or manggis and snacks such as martabak or pisang goreng. The abundance of food on offer attracts many visitors.
Merchandise and culture
A large section of the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ is reserved for amongst others Indonesian businesses selling their merchandise which includes antiques, Yogya or Bali silver, furniture, batiks, wood carvings and much more. But next to the above mentioned eye catchers the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ also offers workshops and master classes in the arts and lecture on amongst others literature, architecture and cultural research. Notable also are the comprehensive cultural delegations from specific areas in Indonesia that are invited to participate.
Awards
The Tong Tong Fair, at that time still known as the Pasar Malam Besar, won the Promotion Award of The Hague in December 2006 in the category Tourism and Economy. This was followed in June 2007 by the prestigious Grand Prix of the National Events Awards (the ‘Oscars’ of the Dutch events industry). The Grand Prix is only awarded to events, which in terms of size, standing and allure, have become a real phenomenon. In 2008 the Tong Tong Foundation received the highest award of the city of the Hague (The Stadspenning by the municipality of The Hague).
Challenges
Notwithstanding the great number of visitors the festival attracts to this day, the greatest challenge facing it is formulating a clear vision for the future and strong strategy towards achieving its cultural mission. As the most important exhibition of Indo culture it will need to transform beyond an event of nostalgia for the Dutch East Indies towards a dynamic catalyst facilitating the evolution of Indo identity and culture. Other modern challenges concern its potential online and multi-lingual role in social media as well as their ability to professionally register the many unique cultural activities and performances hosted.
Every summer the 'Tong Tong Fair' formerly known as the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ is raised on its dedicated fairground, called the ‘Malieveld’, close to the central train station of The Hague. 22.000 m² of festival terrain and many, mostly Indo, volunteers will facilitate visitors from both the Netherlands and abroad. The festival hosts three popular food courts, a culinary theatre, many large to medium stages for performance art, workshop areas, areas for lecture and interviews, market areas, as well as specific fair areas for trading merchandise.
Mission
The main mission of this unique Eurasian event is to celebrate, preserve and develop Indo culture at large and herewith serves the historical purpose of major festivals anywhere. In meeting its specific social needs and duties, as well as providing entertainment, it offers the Indo community a sense of belonging and unity. In its capacity of cultural platform and forum it informs community members of their roots and traditions, transferring knowledge and skills to next generations.
History
In defiance of government pressure to assimilate into Dutch society, a group of outspoken and independent Indos, organized in the so called ‘Indies Cultural Circle’, assembled around famous Indo intellectual Tjalie Robinson. One of their accomplishments was the founding of the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ in 1959. Its continued success in attracting visitors of all generations and presenting a diverse and progressive programme, while preserving the centuries old cultural ties with the Indonesian Archipelago has gone beyond their expectations. In 2003 HM Queen Beatrix herself officially opened the 45th ‘Pasar Malam Besar’. The royal opening was repeated in 2008 for its 50th edition, which was the last time the name Pasar Malam Besar was used.
Since the Indonesian National Revolution and the expulsion of all Dutch citizens from the Republic of Indonesia, the consequent fall out between the Netherlands and Indonesia has led to a long freeze of political, economical and even academic and cultural relations between the 2 nations. To a degree, this has lasted well into the 21st century. The Tong Tong Fair has always attempted to rekindle and foster those relations and since the 70’s consistently invited Indonesian artisans to the event. It was here that for instance the Royal princesses of Solo, daughters of Pakubuwono XII, performed the exclusive Serimpi dances in 1985. It was the first time in history these dances were ever performed outside the Kraton (Royal Palace) of Solo.
In 1985 the Tong Tong Fair also organised a benefit to help rebuild the Kraton of Solo, that was damaged by a fire. In 2006 the Tong Tong Fair organised a benefit to help Indonesian victims of the Tsunami.
Programme
Music and dance
Kroncong (Dutch: Krontjong, Indonesian: Keroncong) which is an age old music form, with roots in Portuguese Fado music, that developed in Indo communities around Batavia (Now Jakarta). Classic Kroncong orchestras can still be found in both The Netherlands and Indonesia. The other typical music form is called Indorock. It combines flamboyant showmanship and musical virtuoso, based on the American Rock and Roll idiom and has been played by Indo bands ever since the early fifties. With the participation of 3rd and 4th generation Indos, also DJ’s, Hiphoppers and urban live bands are taking their brand of Indo music to the stage at the 'Tong Tong Fair' / ‘Pasar Malam Besar’.
Food and beverage
The multi faceted Indo cuisine (Dutch: Indische keuken, Indonesian: masakan Indo) is considered one of the first fusion kitchens in the world and is heavily based on the kitchens of many different Indonesian areas. The classic ‘Rijsttafel’ (a Dutch word meaning `Rice-table’) is a prime example of a Eurasian culinary concept that wasn’t prevalent in pre-colonial Indonesia. The food courts present a wide range of traditional Indonesian and Asian dishes. The culinary theatre allows visitors to share and discuss recipes and make and taste dishes. The market stalls sell fresh Asian fruit such as durian or manggis and snacks such as martabak or pisang goreng. The abundance of food on offer attracts many visitors.
Merchandise and culture
A large section of the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ is reserved for amongst others Indonesian businesses selling their merchandise which includes antiques, Yogya or Bali silver, furniture, batiks, wood carvings and much more. But next to the above mentioned eye catchers the ‘Pasar Malam Besar’ also offers workshops and master classes in the arts and lecture on amongst others literature, architecture and cultural research. Notable also are the comprehensive cultural delegations from specific areas in Indonesia that are invited to participate.
Awards
The Tong Tong Fair, at that time still known as the Pasar Malam Besar, won the Promotion Award of The Hague in December 2006 in the category Tourism and Economy. This was followed in June 2007 by the prestigious Grand Prix of the National Events Awards (the ‘Oscars’ of the Dutch events industry). The Grand Prix is only awarded to events, which in terms of size, standing and allure, have become a real phenomenon. In 2008 the Tong Tong Foundation received the highest award of the city of the Hague (The Stadspenning by the municipality of The Hague).
Challenges
Notwithstanding the great number of visitors the festival attracts to this day, the greatest challenge facing it is formulating a clear vision for the future and strong strategy towards achieving its cultural mission. As the most important exhibition of Indo culture it will need to transform beyond an event of nostalgia for the Dutch East Indies towards a dynamic catalyst facilitating the evolution of Indo identity and culture. Other modern challenges concern its potential online and multi-lingual role in social media as well as their ability to professionally register the many unique cultural activities and performances hosted.
Pelita
On the 17th of November in 1947, the Pelita foundation was established
in the Netherlands. The founding fathers were all people who were
forced to leave the Dutch East Indies (what is currently called Indonesia)
at that time. This initial violent period of Indonesias struggle for its
independence, is called the Bersiap.
The people involved in the establishment of Pelita concluded that the
growing number of so called repatriates needed some form of organised
support; support that they didnt get from the Dutch government. In the
beginning of its existence the organisation focused on meeting the basic
needs of the new arrivals. Pelita helped them with finding solutions for
their social and financial problems as these people had to start from
scratch.
Laws for war victims
By the late sixties this particular work for the immigrants ended. Their
integration in Dutch society was a fact. At the same time one could see
new problems surfacing. The wounds, psychological damage and
illnesses that many suffered during the war and Bersiap and that they
ignored or denied, took their toll. The Dutch society was then forced to
react to these till then hidden problems. This led to the gradual
promulgation of legislation over the years.
Three laws were made applicable to war victims; one for victims of
persecution (WUV), one for civilian victims (WUBO) and one for people
who participated in the resistance movement against the Japanese
aggressor (WIV). The Pelita foundation was then requested by the
government to help the people involved to apply for pensions and other
forms of material support which they were entitled to on the basis of the
above-mentioned legislations. The employees of Pelita drew up about
60.000 applications over the last thirty years. They also provided help in
appeal procedures. At the same time Pelita provided social service to
this group.
in the Netherlands. The founding fathers were all people who were
forced to leave the Dutch East Indies (what is currently called Indonesia)
at that time. This initial violent period of Indonesias struggle for its
independence, is called the Bersiap.
The people involved in the establishment of Pelita concluded that the
growing number of so called repatriates needed some form of organised
support; support that they didnt get from the Dutch government. In the
beginning of its existence the organisation focused on meeting the basic
needs of the new arrivals. Pelita helped them with finding solutions for
their social and financial problems as these people had to start from
scratch.
Laws for war victims
By the late sixties this particular work for the immigrants ended. Their
integration in Dutch society was a fact. At the same time one could see
new problems surfacing. The wounds, psychological damage and
illnesses that many suffered during the war and Bersiap and that they
ignored or denied, took their toll. The Dutch society was then forced to
react to these till then hidden problems. This led to the gradual
promulgation of legislation over the years.
Three laws were made applicable to war victims; one for victims of
persecution (WUV), one for civilian victims (WUBO) and one for people
who participated in the resistance movement against the Japanese
aggressor (WIV). The Pelita foundation was then requested by the
government to help the people involved to apply for pensions and other
forms of material support which they were entitled to on the basis of the
above-mentioned legislations. The employees of Pelita drew up about
60.000 applications over the last thirty years. They also provided help in
appeal procedures. At the same time Pelita provided social service to
this group.
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For a broader context read 'Eurasian Invasion' article by H.Beech for TIME world:
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,106427,00.html
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