"Das Beste, was wir von der Geschichte haben ist der Enthusiasmus, den sie erregt." - J.W. Goethe
"If you know your history, Then you would know where you coming from." - Bob Marley
This section elaborated on the historical overview given on the previous 'INDO History Overview' page.
This section elaborated on the historical overview given on the previous 'INDO History Overview' page.
History In Depth
Indo people (short for Indo-European) are a Eurasian people of mixed Indonesian and European descent. Through the 16 and 18th century known by the name Mestiço (Dutch: Mestiezen). To this day they form one of the largest Eurasian communities in the world.
The early beginning of this community started with the arrival of Portuguese traders in South East Asia in the 16th century. The second large wave started with the arrival of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) employees in the 17th century and throughout the 18th century. Even though the VOC is often considered a state within a state, formal colonisation by the Dutch only commenced in the 19th century. The below chapters help give a better understanding on how Indos became a social outgroup in their own native land, leading to the Indo Diaspora . |
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Indos in pre-colonial history (16th, 17th and 18th century)
The pre-colonial Portuguese Indos
Before the formal colonization of the East Indies by the Dutch in the 19th century, the islands of South East Asia had already been in frequent contact with European traders. Portuguese maritime traders were present as off the 16th century. Around its trading posts the original Portuguese Indo population, called Mestiço, had developed. In the 17th century the Dutch started to expand its mercantile enterprise and military presence in the East Indies in an effort to establish trade monopolies to maximise profit. Even after the Portuguese competition was beaten by the Dutch maritime traders of the VOC, the Portuguese Indo (aka Mestiço) communities remained active in local and intra-island trade. The Dutch found merit in collaboration with these early Eurasian communities through their role as intermediaries with local traders, but also to help mitigate the threat of the encroaching British traders. Up to the first century of Dutch (VOC) dominance the cultural influence of the Portuguese Indo population continued as can be seen by the fact that Portuguese Malay mix languages remained in existence well into the second century of the VOC era and autonomous Portuguese Indo groups existed into the 19th century.
Portuguese roots of Indo society
Originally the greatest source of profit in the East Indies, was the intra islands trade within the archipelago (Dutch: inlandse handel) and the intra-Asiatic trade in general. Here one commodity was exchanged for another, with profit at each turn. This included the trade of silver from the Americas, more desirable in the East than in Europe. In this trade the original Indo or Mestizo population remained to play an intermediary role.
The VOC made good use of such (Indo) people, born and brought up locally. They could speak the language of their birth country and understood its conventions, and proved excellent middlemen for the Europeans. For the same reason these Eurasians were extremely useful for Asian rulers. Historian Ulbe Bosma.
Even long after the Dutch had defeated and expelled their Portuguese competition from the islands, the language of trade remained the Malay/Portuguese mix language, which is reflected in the relatively many Portuguese words that survive in the Indonesian language to this day. The census taken of the population of Ambon island in 1860, still showed 778 Dutch Europeans and 7793 mostly Mestiço and Ambonese 'Burghers'. Portuguese/Malay speaking Indo communities existed not only in the Moluccas, Flores and Timor. But also in Batavia (now Jakarta) where it remained the dominant language up to 1750.
Portuguese Creole Language
For the Mestizo-Indo of the pre-colonial era their first language was often the Portuguese creole language called Portugis, based on Malay and Portuguese. It remained the dominant lingua franca for trade throughout the archipelago from the sixteenth century through to the early nineteenth century. Many Portugis words survive in the Indonesian language including: sabun (from sabão = soap), meja (from mesa = table), boneka (from boneca = doll), jendela (from janela = window), gereja (from igreja = church), bola (from bola = ball), bendera (from bandeira = flag), roda (from roda = wheel), gagu (from gago = stutterer), sepatu (from sapato = shoes), kereta (from carreta = wagon), bangku (from banco = chair), keju (from queijo = cheese), garpu (from garfo = fork), terigu (from trigo = flour), mentega (from manteiga = butter), Minggu (from domingo = Sunday) and Belanda (from Holanda = Dutch).
The word Sinyo (from Señor) was used for Indo boy and young man and the word Nona or the variation Nonni (from Dona) for Indo girls or young women. In yet another derivation of the original Portuguese word that means lady a mature Indo woman was called Nyonya, sometimes spelled Nonya. This honorific loan word came to be used to address all women of foreign descent.
Mardijker people
Another notable Portuguese/Malay speaking group were the Mardijker people, which the VOC legally acknowledged as a separate ethnic group. Most of them were freed Portuguese slaves with ethnic roots in India, but of Christian faith. Eventually the term came into use for any freed slave and is the word from which the Indonesian word 'Merdeka' meaning freedom is derived.[19] This group and its descendants heavily inter-married with the Portuguese Mestiço community. Kampung Tugu was a famous Mardijker settlement in Batavia, but Mardijker quarters could be found in all major trading posts including Ambon and Ternate.[20] The majority of this group eventually assimilated completely into the larger Indo Eurasian community and disappear from the records. Into the 18th century Indo culture remained dominantly Portuguese/Malay in nature
Topasses people
An independent group of Mestiço of Portuguese descent were the Topasses people who were based in Solor, Flores and pre-dominantly Timor. The community in Larantuka on Flores called themselves Larantuqueiros. This powerful group of Mestiço controlled the sandalwood trade and strongly opposed the Dutch. They manifested themselves very independently and actually fought many wars with both the Dutch and Portuguese in the 17th and 18th century. Portuguese Mestiço that chose not to cooperate with the Dutch and VOC deserters often joined with the Topasses. This group eventually assimilated into the indigenous nobility and Eurasian elite of East Timor. Famous family clans are 'De Hornay' and 'Da Costa', that still exist as Timorese Raja to this day.
Before the formal colonization of the East Indies by the Dutch in the 19th century, the islands of South East Asia had already been in frequent contact with European traders. Portuguese maritime traders were present as off the 16th century. Around its trading posts the original Portuguese Indo population, called Mestiço, had developed. In the 17th century the Dutch started to expand its mercantile enterprise and military presence in the East Indies in an effort to establish trade monopolies to maximise profit. Even after the Portuguese competition was beaten by the Dutch maritime traders of the VOC, the Portuguese Indo (aka Mestiço) communities remained active in local and intra-island trade. The Dutch found merit in collaboration with these early Eurasian communities through their role as intermediaries with local traders, but also to help mitigate the threat of the encroaching British traders. Up to the first century of Dutch (VOC) dominance the cultural influence of the Portuguese Indo population continued as can be seen by the fact that Portuguese Malay mix languages remained in existence well into the second century of the VOC era and autonomous Portuguese Indo groups existed into the 19th century.
Portuguese roots of Indo society
Originally the greatest source of profit in the East Indies, was the intra islands trade within the archipelago (Dutch: inlandse handel) and the intra-Asiatic trade in general. Here one commodity was exchanged for another, with profit at each turn. This included the trade of silver from the Americas, more desirable in the East than in Europe. In this trade the original Indo or Mestizo population remained to play an intermediary role.
The VOC made good use of such (Indo) people, born and brought up locally. They could speak the language of their birth country and understood its conventions, and proved excellent middlemen for the Europeans. For the same reason these Eurasians were extremely useful for Asian rulers. Historian Ulbe Bosma.
Even long after the Dutch had defeated and expelled their Portuguese competition from the islands, the language of trade remained the Malay/Portuguese mix language, which is reflected in the relatively many Portuguese words that survive in the Indonesian language to this day. The census taken of the population of Ambon island in 1860, still showed 778 Dutch Europeans and 7793 mostly Mestiço and Ambonese 'Burghers'. Portuguese/Malay speaking Indo communities existed not only in the Moluccas, Flores and Timor. But also in Batavia (now Jakarta) where it remained the dominant language up to 1750.
Portuguese Creole Language
For the Mestizo-Indo of the pre-colonial era their first language was often the Portuguese creole language called Portugis, based on Malay and Portuguese. It remained the dominant lingua franca for trade throughout the archipelago from the sixteenth century through to the early nineteenth century. Many Portugis words survive in the Indonesian language including: sabun (from sabão = soap), meja (from mesa = table), boneka (from boneca = doll), jendela (from janela = window), gereja (from igreja = church), bola (from bola = ball), bendera (from bandeira = flag), roda (from roda = wheel), gagu (from gago = stutterer), sepatu (from sapato = shoes), kereta (from carreta = wagon), bangku (from banco = chair), keju (from queijo = cheese), garpu (from garfo = fork), terigu (from trigo = flour), mentega (from manteiga = butter), Minggu (from domingo = Sunday) and Belanda (from Holanda = Dutch).
The word Sinyo (from Señor) was used for Indo boy and young man and the word Nona or the variation Nonni (from Dona) for Indo girls or young women. In yet another derivation of the original Portuguese word that means lady a mature Indo woman was called Nyonya, sometimes spelled Nonya. This honorific loan word came to be used to address all women of foreign descent.
Mardijker people
Another notable Portuguese/Malay speaking group were the Mardijker people, which the VOC legally acknowledged as a separate ethnic group. Most of them were freed Portuguese slaves with ethnic roots in India, but of Christian faith. Eventually the term came into use for any freed slave and is the word from which the Indonesian word 'Merdeka' meaning freedom is derived.[19] This group and its descendants heavily inter-married with the Portuguese Mestiço community. Kampung Tugu was a famous Mardijker settlement in Batavia, but Mardijker quarters could be found in all major trading posts including Ambon and Ternate.[20] The majority of this group eventually assimilated completely into the larger Indo Eurasian community and disappear from the records. Into the 18th century Indo culture remained dominantly Portuguese/Malay in nature
Topasses people
An independent group of Mestiço of Portuguese descent were the Topasses people who were based in Solor, Flores and pre-dominantly Timor. The community in Larantuka on Flores called themselves Larantuqueiros. This powerful group of Mestiço controlled the sandalwood trade and strongly opposed the Dutch. They manifested themselves very independently and actually fought many wars with both the Dutch and Portuguese in the 17th and 18th century. Portuguese Mestiço that chose not to cooperate with the Dutch and VOC deserters often joined with the Topasses. This group eventually assimilated into the indigenous nobility and Eurasian elite of East Timor. Famous family clans are 'De Hornay' and 'Da Costa', that still exist as Timorese Raja to this day.
Indos from the VOC era
VOC roots of Indo society
During the 200 years of the VOC era intermixing with indigenous peoples kept running its natural course. Over the years the VOC had sent out around 1 million employees, of which only one third returned to Europe. Its personnel consisted of mostly single men traveling without families.
The distance to Europe was far and transport still took a very long time. High mortality rates among its employees were common. To a degree racial mixing was even encouraged by the VOC, as it was aiming to establish a prominent and consistent presence in the East Indies. A considerable number of these men can be considered emigrant settlers, that had no intention of leaving the East Indies, creating their own local Indo Eurasian families.
Moreover the VOC needed larger European representation to run its local business and therefore stimulated growt in numbers of an Indo population of Dutch descent. These Indos played important roles as VOC officials. VOC representatives, called residents, at the royal courts were often Indos able to speak the indigenous languages.
Over the centuries of intensive Portuguese and Dutch trade with the islands of the East Indies a relatively large Indo Eurasian population developed. These old Indo families make up the native (Indonesian: Peranakan) stock of Europeans during the ensuing colonial era. Throughout formal colonisation of the Dutch East Indies in the coming century, the majority of registered Europeans were in fact Indo Eurasians.
Note: Oil painting depicting an Indo woman in traditional 'batik sarong kebaya' dress, an originally indigenous aristocratic dress style from the 16th century and commonly worn by Eurasian women well into the 20th century
Indo society during the VOC era
Pre-colonial Indo culture dominated the European segment of society in the East Indies. This culture was heavily Eurasian i.e. hybrid in nature and even the most high ranking Dutch VOC officials were absorbed by it. Indo society was polygot and its' first languages were Malay, Portugis and other creole languages, not Dutch. It was also matriarchal and most Europeans, even the VOC governor-generals would marry into Indo clans. Only by doing so they were able to obtain the necessary connections, patronage, wealth and know how.
"Women based clans absorbed the immigrant males who came without wives. the clan enfolded the newcomer in a network of immigrants with locally born wives, mestizo (Indo) and Asian (Indonesian) kin alike. In the same time the clan eased the adoption of Indies manners for the newcomers." Historian Jean Gelman Taylor in The social world of Batavia, European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia.
The arts and crafts patronized by the Indo elite were usually indigenous e.g. gamelan, batik, various court dances, etc. In their immediate personal habitat they were closely surrounded by indigenous servants. Overall lifestyle was similar to the indigenous elite. Women clothing was often indistinguishable from indigenous fancy dress and many practices were rooted in ancient indigenous court culture.
In an attempt to mitigate cultural dominance of Indo society the expatriate aristocrat baron van Imhoff (1705–1750), VOC governor from 1743 to 1750, founded several institutions to cultivate Dutch culture among the native colonial elite. His Naval Academy for maritime VOC officers in Batavia was exemplary in its' aim to foster western identity. Van Imhoff showed how well he understood the strength of the Indo-Europeans' indigenous derived beliefs and manners when he decreed that even the academy's cooks, stewards and servants were to be European. Another academy decree strictly stipulated: "There shall be no native tongues spoken in the house."
Next governors also vainly tried to introduce the Dutch language in the VOC operated schools and churches, but Portugis and Malay remained the dominant languages. Even the highest VOC officials were unable to pass on their own mother tongue to their offspring. In general the VOC had always recognised the tendency of its servants to be absorbed by the hybrid Indo culture and repeatedly issued regulations limiting higher company positions to men born in the Netherlands.
During the 200 years of the VOC era intermixing with indigenous peoples kept running its natural course. Over the years the VOC had sent out around 1 million employees, of which only one third returned to Europe. Its personnel consisted of mostly single men traveling without families.
The distance to Europe was far and transport still took a very long time. High mortality rates among its employees were common. To a degree racial mixing was even encouraged by the VOC, as it was aiming to establish a prominent and consistent presence in the East Indies. A considerable number of these men can be considered emigrant settlers, that had no intention of leaving the East Indies, creating their own local Indo Eurasian families.
Moreover the VOC needed larger European representation to run its local business and therefore stimulated growt in numbers of an Indo population of Dutch descent. These Indos played important roles as VOC officials. VOC representatives, called residents, at the royal courts were often Indos able to speak the indigenous languages.
Over the centuries of intensive Portuguese and Dutch trade with the islands of the East Indies a relatively large Indo Eurasian population developed. These old Indo families make up the native (Indonesian: Peranakan) stock of Europeans during the ensuing colonial era. Throughout formal colonisation of the Dutch East Indies in the coming century, the majority of registered Europeans were in fact Indo Eurasians.
Note: Oil painting depicting an Indo woman in traditional 'batik sarong kebaya' dress, an originally indigenous aristocratic dress style from the 16th century and commonly worn by Eurasian women well into the 20th century
Indo society during the VOC era
Pre-colonial Indo culture dominated the European segment of society in the East Indies. This culture was heavily Eurasian i.e. hybrid in nature and even the most high ranking Dutch VOC officials were absorbed by it. Indo society was polygot and its' first languages were Malay, Portugis and other creole languages, not Dutch. It was also matriarchal and most Europeans, even the VOC governor-generals would marry into Indo clans. Only by doing so they were able to obtain the necessary connections, patronage, wealth and know how.
"Women based clans absorbed the immigrant males who came without wives. the clan enfolded the newcomer in a network of immigrants with locally born wives, mestizo (Indo) and Asian (Indonesian) kin alike. In the same time the clan eased the adoption of Indies manners for the newcomers." Historian Jean Gelman Taylor in The social world of Batavia, European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia.
The arts and crafts patronized by the Indo elite were usually indigenous e.g. gamelan, batik, various court dances, etc. In their immediate personal habitat they were closely surrounded by indigenous servants. Overall lifestyle was similar to the indigenous elite. Women clothing was often indistinguishable from indigenous fancy dress and many practices were rooted in ancient indigenous court culture.
In an attempt to mitigate cultural dominance of Indo society the expatriate aristocrat baron van Imhoff (1705–1750), VOC governor from 1743 to 1750, founded several institutions to cultivate Dutch culture among the native colonial elite. His Naval Academy for maritime VOC officers in Batavia was exemplary in its' aim to foster western identity. Van Imhoff showed how well he understood the strength of the Indo-Europeans' indigenous derived beliefs and manners when he decreed that even the academy's cooks, stewards and servants were to be European. Another academy decree strictly stipulated: "There shall be no native tongues spoken in the house."
Next governors also vainly tried to introduce the Dutch language in the VOC operated schools and churches, but Portugis and Malay remained the dominant languages. Even the highest VOC officials were unable to pass on their own mother tongue to their offspring. In general the VOC had always recognised the tendency of its servants to be absorbed by the hybrid Indo culture and repeatedly issued regulations limiting higher company positions to men born in the Netherlands.
Indos in colonial history (19th and 20th century)
Indos (short for Indo-Europeans) are a Eurasian people of mixed Indonesian and European descent. The pre-colonial evolution of this hybrid Eurasian community in the East Indies commenced during the arrival of Portuguese traders in the 16th century and continued with the arrival of Dutch traders (VOC) in the 17th and 18th century.
At the break of the 19th century official colonisation of the East Indies started and the territorial claims of the VOC expanded into a fully fledged colony named the Dutch East Indies. The existing pre-colonial Indo-European communities were considerably complimented with Indos descending from European males settling in the Dutch East Indies. These European settlers, who were government officials, business men, planters and particularly military men without wives, engaged into relations with native women. Their offspring was considered Indo-European and if acknowledged by the father belonged to the European legal class in the colony.
In 1860 there were less than 1,000 European females against over 22,000 European males.[1] It was only by the end of the 19th century that a sizeable number of Dutch women started to arrive in the colony.[2] This increasingly hastened the growing pressure to assimilate Indo culture into dominant Dutch culture.[3]
At the end of the colonial era a community of about 300,000 Indo-Europeans was registered as Dutch citizens and Indos continued to form the majority of the European legal class. When in the second half of the 20th century the independent Republic of Indonesia was established, practically all Europeans, including the Indo-Europeans who by now had adopted a one sided identification with their paternal lineage,[4] were expelled from the country.
There are distinctive historical patterns of evolving social and cultural perspectives on Indo-European society and its culture. Throughout the colonial history of the Dutch East Indies key cultural elements such as language, clothing and lifestyle have a different emphasis in each phase of its evolution. Over time the Indo mix culture was forced to adopt more and more Dutch trades and customs. To describe the colonial era it is diligent to differentiate between each distinctive time period in the 19th and 20th century.
The colonial position of Indos
Formal colonisation commenced at the dawn of the 19th century when the Netherlands took possession of all VOC assets. Before that time the VOC was in principle just another trading power among many, establishing trading posts and settlements in strategic places around the archipelago. The Dutch gradually extended their small nation’s sovereignty over most of the islands in the East Indies.[5] The existing VOC trading posts and its European and Eurasian settlements were developed into Dutch ruled enclaves, with its own administration governing both its indigenous and expatriate populations.
The Dutch East Indies were not the typical settler colony founded through massive emigration from the mother countries (such as the USA or Australia) and hardly involved displacement of the indigenous islanders.[6] Neither was it a plantation colony build on the import of slaves (such as Haiti or Jamaica) or a pure trade post colony (such as Singapore or Macau). It was more of an expansion of the existing chain of VOC trading posts. In stead of mass emigration from the homeland, the sizeable indigenous populations, were controlled through effective political manipulation supported by military force. Servitude of the indigenous masses was enabled through a structure of indirect governance, keeping existing indigenous rulers in place[7] and using the Indo Eurasian population as an intermediary buffer. Being one of the smallest nations in the world it was in fact impossible for the Netherlands to even attempt to establish a typical settler colony.
In 1869 British anthropologist Alfred Russel Wallace described the colonial governing structure in his book "The Malay Archipelago"[8]:
"The mode of government now adopted in Java is to retain the whole series of native rulers, from the village chief up to princes, who, under the name of Regents, are the heads of districts about the size of a small English county. With each Regent is placed a Dutch Resident, or Assistant Resident, who is considered to be his "elder brother," and whose "orders" take the form of "recommendations," which are, however, implicitly obeyed. Along with each Assistant Resident is a Controller, a kind of inspector of all the lower native rulers, who periodically visits every village in the district, examines the proceedings of the native courts, hears complaints against the head-men or other native chiefs, and superintends the Government plantations."
The need for a sizeable European population to administer the vast region of the East Indies did however initially steer colonial policies to stimulate inter-marriage of European men with native women. Up to the 19th century Indos often occupied the role of 'Resident', 'Assistant Resident' or 'Controleur'.[9] Colonial legislation allowed for assimilation of the relatively large racially mixed Indo population into the European stratosphere of the colonial hierarchy. The official judicial (and racial) division had three layers where the top layer of Europeans in fact included a majority of Indo Europeans. Subsequently these Eurasians were not registered as a separate ethnic group, but were included in the European headcount [10] Unlike other colonies such as South Africa which had a strict policy of ‘Apartheid’ (i.e. stringent racial segregation) and mixed race people were put in the separate legal class of Coloureds.[11]
In comparison to the British Indies and overall colonialism worldwide, strictly speaking the Dutch version of colonial policies and legislation did not maintain a so called colour line.[12] In comparison to Catholic colonial powers there was a lesser degree of missionary zealotry. However it cannot be maintained that the actual expatriate colonists did not share similarly racist values and beliefs along the line of pseudo scientific theories based on proto-social Darwinism, placing the white Caucasian race at the top of society i.e. 'naturally' in charge of dominating and civilizing non white populations. Also in the Dutch East Indies colonial practice was based on these typical values leading to cultural hegemony and chauvinism as seen in colonies around the world. So even though there was in fact no official ‘colour line’ excluding Indo Eurasians, there certainly has always been a ‘shade bar’.[13] What in comparison to other colonial powers of the time sometimes looked like a liberal and even modern attitude towards race mixing, was basically grounded in Dutch pragmatism and opportunism.[14]
The process of colonisation imposed Dutch economical and cultural domination over the resources, labor and markets of the East Indies. It dominated to a high degree its’ organisational and socio-cultural structures and to a lesser degree its’ religious and linguistic structures. The pragmatic and opportunistic colonial policy and cultural perception regarding the Indo Eurasians varied throughout history. But towards the end of the colonial period the Indo-Eurasian mix culture came under exceeding pressure to assimilate completely into Dutch imposed culture.[15]
Indo ethnicity
All Indo families are rooted in the original coalescence between a European forefather and a native born primordial mother.[16] The Indo community as a whole is made out of many different ethnic European and Indonesian combinations and various degrees of racial blending.[17] These combinations include mixes of diverse European peoples such as for example Portuguese, Dutch, Belgian, German, French and British people, with equally diverse Indonesian peoples such as for example Javanese, Sumatran, Moluccan and Minahassa people. But also to a lesser degree Chinese, Indian, Sri-lankan and African people that had settled in the East Indies.[18]
Due to the above described diversity the ethnic features of each Indo family (member) may vary considerably.[19] Notwithstanding their European legal status and even though all family names were uniformly European, their ethnic features made most Indos in colonial times quite easily distinguishable from the full blooded Dutch expatriate or settler and often physically indistinguishable from indigenous islanders. This ethnic diversity also meant that each Indo family (member) may have had an individual perception of identity and racial affiliation. It was only in the last phases of colonisation a Dutch cultural identity was forced onto all Indo-Europeans.[20]
"No longer quietly incorporated into the Mestizo (Indo) sociability of the eclectic (pre-colonial) Indies world, right wing 'totoks' began to view Indos as a fuzzy and troubling social category." Professor Dr. Frances Gouda.[21]
Indo legal and social status
The Dutch East Indies colonial hierarchy initially only had 2 legal classes of citizens: First the European class; second the Indigenous (Dutch: Inlander, Malay: Bumiputra) class.[22] Unlike for instance Singapore no Eurasian sub-class was ever used to register citizens in the Dutch East Indies and Indos were per definition included in the European census.[23]
The authoritative census of 1930 shows 240,162 people belonging to the European legal class of which 208,269 (86,7%) were Dutch nationals. Only 25,8% of the Dutch nationals were expatriate Dutchmen, leaving a vast majority of native born Indo-Europeans. [24] Still the European population of the Dutch East Indies was no more than 0.4% of the total population.
Indos lived in a patriarchal social and legal system. As colonial systems are per definition non-egalitarian for Indo children to obtain the legal status of European (i.e. the highest level of colonial hierarchy) the European father was required to officially acknowledge his children with the indigenous mother.[26] If a European male decided to acknowledge his children he would often marry his indigenous partner to legitimise their relationship[27] This did not always happen and a considerable number of Indo children assimilated into their mothers’ indigenous community. The colonial saying to describe this phenomenon was “The (Indo) child would disappear into the kampung (English: native village)”.[28] Only after the introduction of the 1848 civil code it was allowed for a couple belonging to two different religious groups to marry.[29]
Indo family names
Most Indo families will have European family names, as throughout colonial history the Indo-European community mostly followed patriarchal lines to determine its European roots. Family names are mostly Dutch, but also include many English, French, German and Portuguese family names. Once the total numbers of the community allowed for it Indos would usually marry amongst their own social group and the vast majority of Indo children were born from these marriages.[30] Due to the community’s female surplus Indo women would also marry newly arrived European settlers, as well as indigenous men, who were usually educated Christians that had obtained the so called ‘European equality’ status (Dutch: Gelijkgesteld), following a legal ordinance introduced in 1871.[31]
The civil code of 1848 even stipulated that indigenous men would acquire the European status of their Indo-European wives after marriage. With the arrival of more and more Dutch women [32] in the colony this law suddenly became highly contentious. In the juridical congress of 1878 the ruling was heavily debated as Dutch legal experts did not want European women to “marry into the kampung” and by 1898 this statue was reversed. Another sign pressure on the Eurasian nature of Indo culture was increasing.[33]
Indo women who would marry indigenous men would carry their husband’s family name and their children would be registered according to their father’s ethnicity e.g. Moluccan or Menadonese, but retain his legal class of European Equality status. Notable examples are South Mollucan leaders Chris Soumokil (1905–1966) and Johan Manusama (1910–1995) who both had Indo mothers and were legally classified as European.
Indo society
Notwithstanding Indos officially belonged to the European legal class, colonial society consisted of a very complex structure of many social distinctions. The European segment of society can broadly be divided into the following 3 social layers:
Indo languages
Tjalie Robinson, the author responsible for uplifting the historical and cultural status of the Pecok language. There have been many Indo languages that developed throughout history. Wherever there was considerable inter mixing between Europeans and indigenous islanders distinctive creole languages evolved. The most spoken creole was Pecok and the oldest one Portugis. But other variations such as Javindo also existed. Most languages have died out due to the loss of its function and loss of its speakers. The Pecok mix language reflects the ethnic origin of Indos. Typified as a mixed marriage language, the grammar of Pecok is based on the maternal Malay language and the lexicon on the paternal Dutch language.
At the beginning of colonisation Indos were at least bi-lingual and as off the VOC era Indos have always been used as translators and interpreters of indigenous languages.[35] Their first language was often Malay or a creole language. By the end of the 19th century a research project showed that 70% of (Indo)European children in their first year of elementary school still spoke little to no Dutch.[36]
To persuade his brother in law, the father of Conrad Théodoor van Deventer (who later became the leading spokesman of the 'Ethical Policy'), not to take the position of principal at the 'Koning Willem III' school in Batavia (the only school for secondary education in the Dutch East Indies), newspaper editor Conrad Busken Huet expressed the following popular opinion among the expatriate Dutch community in 1869: "...the Indies climate is fatally detrimental to the proper functioning of their [schoolchildren's] brains, even when born out of pure blooded European parents, you can see the liplap [abusive term for Indos] nature in their faces. Simplistic language forms like Malay seem to eliminate parts of their thinking capabilities, so that education [...] is futile. [...] Even the best among them will remain deficient and will end up to be no more than barely tolerable civil servants." [37]
In the next century of the colonial era creole languages were further discredited and Indos were expected to speak Dutch as their first language.[38] To a degree the use of Malay and Pecok have persisted in private conversation and literature. Only through the post colonial work of Indo author Tjalie Robinson the Pecok language regained its' cultural status.[39]
At the break of the 19th century official colonisation of the East Indies started and the territorial claims of the VOC expanded into a fully fledged colony named the Dutch East Indies. The existing pre-colonial Indo-European communities were considerably complimented with Indos descending from European males settling in the Dutch East Indies. These European settlers, who were government officials, business men, planters and particularly military men without wives, engaged into relations with native women. Their offspring was considered Indo-European and if acknowledged by the father belonged to the European legal class in the colony.
In 1860 there were less than 1,000 European females against over 22,000 European males.[1] It was only by the end of the 19th century that a sizeable number of Dutch women started to arrive in the colony.[2] This increasingly hastened the growing pressure to assimilate Indo culture into dominant Dutch culture.[3]
At the end of the colonial era a community of about 300,000 Indo-Europeans was registered as Dutch citizens and Indos continued to form the majority of the European legal class. When in the second half of the 20th century the independent Republic of Indonesia was established, practically all Europeans, including the Indo-Europeans who by now had adopted a one sided identification with their paternal lineage,[4] were expelled from the country.
There are distinctive historical patterns of evolving social and cultural perspectives on Indo-European society and its culture. Throughout the colonial history of the Dutch East Indies key cultural elements such as language, clothing and lifestyle have a different emphasis in each phase of its evolution. Over time the Indo mix culture was forced to adopt more and more Dutch trades and customs. To describe the colonial era it is diligent to differentiate between each distinctive time period in the 19th and 20th century.
The colonial position of Indos
Formal colonisation commenced at the dawn of the 19th century when the Netherlands took possession of all VOC assets. Before that time the VOC was in principle just another trading power among many, establishing trading posts and settlements in strategic places around the archipelago. The Dutch gradually extended their small nation’s sovereignty over most of the islands in the East Indies.[5] The existing VOC trading posts and its European and Eurasian settlements were developed into Dutch ruled enclaves, with its own administration governing both its indigenous and expatriate populations.
The Dutch East Indies were not the typical settler colony founded through massive emigration from the mother countries (such as the USA or Australia) and hardly involved displacement of the indigenous islanders.[6] Neither was it a plantation colony build on the import of slaves (such as Haiti or Jamaica) or a pure trade post colony (such as Singapore or Macau). It was more of an expansion of the existing chain of VOC trading posts. In stead of mass emigration from the homeland, the sizeable indigenous populations, were controlled through effective political manipulation supported by military force. Servitude of the indigenous masses was enabled through a structure of indirect governance, keeping existing indigenous rulers in place[7] and using the Indo Eurasian population as an intermediary buffer. Being one of the smallest nations in the world it was in fact impossible for the Netherlands to even attempt to establish a typical settler colony.
In 1869 British anthropologist Alfred Russel Wallace described the colonial governing structure in his book "The Malay Archipelago"[8]:
"The mode of government now adopted in Java is to retain the whole series of native rulers, from the village chief up to princes, who, under the name of Regents, are the heads of districts about the size of a small English county. With each Regent is placed a Dutch Resident, or Assistant Resident, who is considered to be his "elder brother," and whose "orders" take the form of "recommendations," which are, however, implicitly obeyed. Along with each Assistant Resident is a Controller, a kind of inspector of all the lower native rulers, who periodically visits every village in the district, examines the proceedings of the native courts, hears complaints against the head-men or other native chiefs, and superintends the Government plantations."
The need for a sizeable European population to administer the vast region of the East Indies did however initially steer colonial policies to stimulate inter-marriage of European men with native women. Up to the 19th century Indos often occupied the role of 'Resident', 'Assistant Resident' or 'Controleur'.[9] Colonial legislation allowed for assimilation of the relatively large racially mixed Indo population into the European stratosphere of the colonial hierarchy. The official judicial (and racial) division had three layers where the top layer of Europeans in fact included a majority of Indo Europeans. Subsequently these Eurasians were not registered as a separate ethnic group, but were included in the European headcount [10] Unlike other colonies such as South Africa which had a strict policy of ‘Apartheid’ (i.e. stringent racial segregation) and mixed race people were put in the separate legal class of Coloureds.[11]
In comparison to the British Indies and overall colonialism worldwide, strictly speaking the Dutch version of colonial policies and legislation did not maintain a so called colour line.[12] In comparison to Catholic colonial powers there was a lesser degree of missionary zealotry. However it cannot be maintained that the actual expatriate colonists did not share similarly racist values and beliefs along the line of pseudo scientific theories based on proto-social Darwinism, placing the white Caucasian race at the top of society i.e. 'naturally' in charge of dominating and civilizing non white populations. Also in the Dutch East Indies colonial practice was based on these typical values leading to cultural hegemony and chauvinism as seen in colonies around the world. So even though there was in fact no official ‘colour line’ excluding Indo Eurasians, there certainly has always been a ‘shade bar’.[13] What in comparison to other colonial powers of the time sometimes looked like a liberal and even modern attitude towards race mixing, was basically grounded in Dutch pragmatism and opportunism.[14]
The process of colonisation imposed Dutch economical and cultural domination over the resources, labor and markets of the East Indies. It dominated to a high degree its’ organisational and socio-cultural structures and to a lesser degree its’ religious and linguistic structures. The pragmatic and opportunistic colonial policy and cultural perception regarding the Indo Eurasians varied throughout history. But towards the end of the colonial period the Indo-Eurasian mix culture came under exceeding pressure to assimilate completely into Dutch imposed culture.[15]
Indo ethnicity
All Indo families are rooted in the original coalescence between a European forefather and a native born primordial mother.[16] The Indo community as a whole is made out of many different ethnic European and Indonesian combinations and various degrees of racial blending.[17] These combinations include mixes of diverse European peoples such as for example Portuguese, Dutch, Belgian, German, French and British people, with equally diverse Indonesian peoples such as for example Javanese, Sumatran, Moluccan and Minahassa people. But also to a lesser degree Chinese, Indian, Sri-lankan and African people that had settled in the East Indies.[18]
Due to the above described diversity the ethnic features of each Indo family (member) may vary considerably.[19] Notwithstanding their European legal status and even though all family names were uniformly European, their ethnic features made most Indos in colonial times quite easily distinguishable from the full blooded Dutch expatriate or settler and often physically indistinguishable from indigenous islanders. This ethnic diversity also meant that each Indo family (member) may have had an individual perception of identity and racial affiliation. It was only in the last phases of colonisation a Dutch cultural identity was forced onto all Indo-Europeans.[20]
"No longer quietly incorporated into the Mestizo (Indo) sociability of the eclectic (pre-colonial) Indies world, right wing 'totoks' began to view Indos as a fuzzy and troubling social category." Professor Dr. Frances Gouda.[21]
Indo legal and social status
The Dutch East Indies colonial hierarchy initially only had 2 legal classes of citizens: First the European class; second the Indigenous (Dutch: Inlander, Malay: Bumiputra) class.[22] Unlike for instance Singapore no Eurasian sub-class was ever used to register citizens in the Dutch East Indies and Indos were per definition included in the European census.[23]
The authoritative census of 1930 shows 240,162 people belonging to the European legal class of which 208,269 (86,7%) were Dutch nationals. Only 25,8% of the Dutch nationals were expatriate Dutchmen, leaving a vast majority of native born Indo-Europeans. [24] Still the European population of the Dutch East Indies was no more than 0.4% of the total population.
Indos lived in a patriarchal social and legal system. As colonial systems are per definition non-egalitarian for Indo children to obtain the legal status of European (i.e. the highest level of colonial hierarchy) the European father was required to officially acknowledge his children with the indigenous mother.[26] If a European male decided to acknowledge his children he would often marry his indigenous partner to legitimise their relationship[27] This did not always happen and a considerable number of Indo children assimilated into their mothers’ indigenous community. The colonial saying to describe this phenomenon was “The (Indo) child would disappear into the kampung (English: native village)”.[28] Only after the introduction of the 1848 civil code it was allowed for a couple belonging to two different religious groups to marry.[29]
Indo family names
Most Indo families will have European family names, as throughout colonial history the Indo-European community mostly followed patriarchal lines to determine its European roots. Family names are mostly Dutch, but also include many English, French, German and Portuguese family names. Once the total numbers of the community allowed for it Indos would usually marry amongst their own social group and the vast majority of Indo children were born from these marriages.[30] Due to the community’s female surplus Indo women would also marry newly arrived European settlers, as well as indigenous men, who were usually educated Christians that had obtained the so called ‘European equality’ status (Dutch: Gelijkgesteld), following a legal ordinance introduced in 1871.[31]
The civil code of 1848 even stipulated that indigenous men would acquire the European status of their Indo-European wives after marriage. With the arrival of more and more Dutch women [32] in the colony this law suddenly became highly contentious. In the juridical congress of 1878 the ruling was heavily debated as Dutch legal experts did not want European women to “marry into the kampung” and by 1898 this statue was reversed. Another sign pressure on the Eurasian nature of Indo culture was increasing.[33]
Indo women who would marry indigenous men would carry their husband’s family name and their children would be registered according to their father’s ethnicity e.g. Moluccan or Menadonese, but retain his legal class of European Equality status. Notable examples are South Mollucan leaders Chris Soumokil (1905–1966) and Johan Manusama (1910–1995) who both had Indo mothers and were legally classified as European.
Indo society
Notwithstanding Indos officially belonged to the European legal class, colonial society consisted of a very complex structure of many social distinctions. The European segment of society can broadly be divided into the following 3 social layers:
- 1) a small upper class layer of colonial and commercial leadership, including governors, directors, ceo's, business managers, generals, etc. Mostly, but not solely consisting of expatriate Dutchmen;
- 2) a large middle class of mostly Indo civil servants, making up the backbone of all officialdom;
- 3) lower income (to poor) layer, solely consisting of Indos that were legally European, but had a living standard close or similar to the indigenous masses. Indo people in the third layer were affectionately called the 'Kleine bung', a mixed Dutch-Malay language term translated to 'Little brother'.
Indo languages
Tjalie Robinson, the author responsible for uplifting the historical and cultural status of the Pecok language. There have been many Indo languages that developed throughout history. Wherever there was considerable inter mixing between Europeans and indigenous islanders distinctive creole languages evolved. The most spoken creole was Pecok and the oldest one Portugis. But other variations such as Javindo also existed. Most languages have died out due to the loss of its function and loss of its speakers. The Pecok mix language reflects the ethnic origin of Indos. Typified as a mixed marriage language, the grammar of Pecok is based on the maternal Malay language and the lexicon on the paternal Dutch language.
At the beginning of colonisation Indos were at least bi-lingual and as off the VOC era Indos have always been used as translators and interpreters of indigenous languages.[35] Their first language was often Malay or a creole language. By the end of the 19th century a research project showed that 70% of (Indo)European children in their first year of elementary school still spoke little to no Dutch.[36]
To persuade his brother in law, the father of Conrad Théodoor van Deventer (who later became the leading spokesman of the 'Ethical Policy'), not to take the position of principal at the 'Koning Willem III' school in Batavia (the only school for secondary education in the Dutch East Indies), newspaper editor Conrad Busken Huet expressed the following popular opinion among the expatriate Dutch community in 1869: "...the Indies climate is fatally detrimental to the proper functioning of their [schoolchildren's] brains, even when born out of pure blooded European parents, you can see the liplap [abusive term for Indos] nature in their faces. Simplistic language forms like Malay seem to eliminate parts of their thinking capabilities, so that education [...] is futile. [...] Even the best among them will remain deficient and will end up to be no more than barely tolerable civil servants." [37]
In the next century of the colonial era creole languages were further discredited and Indos were expected to speak Dutch as their first language.[38] To a degree the use of Malay and Pecok have persisted in private conversation and literature. Only through the post colonial work of Indo author Tjalie Robinson the Pecok language regained its' cultural status.[39]
Historic overview colonial era (1800-1900)
19th century
During the first half of formal colonisation many practices the VOC had introduced in the previous centuries remained in place, and the overall levels of independence from the mother country remained equally high. The position of Indos as important trading intermediaries and main local representation of Dutch governance also remained the same.[40] Moreover European society in the East Indies was in fact dominated by Indo culture and customs that determined a.o. the lifestyle, language and dress code of its’ European population. European new arrivals settling in the East Indies adopted many of the Indo customs.[41]
In the 1830s colonial policies steered from the Netherlands (Ministry of colonial affairs) to decrease the autonomous and arbitrary nature of the colony, considerably increased pressure on the Indo population to ‘Dutchify’ its’ society.[40] Particularly during the implementation of the 'Cultivation System' legislation and regulations discriminatory against Indos were enforced. When the 'Cultivation System' policy was abandoned in 1870 it however also put in place a ban for Indos to own land.[42] Under threat of marginalisation the Indo community was forced to reflect on its position in the Dutch East Indies. For the first time in history Indos began to organise politically in an attempt to emancipate as a group.
Meanwhile the number of Indos in the 19th century also increased as the existing pre-colonial communities were complimented with offspring of European military men and indigenous women.
French and British interregnum (1806-1816)
A few years into formal colonisation of the East Indies, in Europe the Dutch Republic was occupied by the French forces of Napoleon. This resulted in an influx of French settlers in the East Indies. Notwithstanding the fact that the Dutch government went into exile in England and formally ceded its colonial possessions to Great Britain, the pro-French Governor General of the Dutch East Indies fought the British before surrendering the colony.[43] He was replaced by the British Governor Raffles, who later founded the city of Singapore. The 10 years of the French-British interregnum (1806–1816) saw an influx of British settlers in the East Indies. To this day one can still find many French and British family names in the Indo community.[44]
At the time the British took over governmental responsibilities of the Dutch East Indies, the European segment of society was still strongly Eurasian in nature. Even most Dutch governor-generals had married into matriarchal Indo clans and the European segment of society was in fact dominated by Indo culture. The polygot society he encountered spoke Malay, Portugis and other creole languages, as its first language and Dutch or other European languages only as a second or third language. The arts and crafts patronized by the Indo elite were usually indigenous e.g. gamelan, batik, various court dances, etc. Women clothing was often indistinguishable from indigenous fancy dress and many practices were rooted in ancient indigenous court culture.[45]
Intending to modernize the colony Raffles, a keen anthropologist and progressive administrator, attempted to westernize the character of the Dutch, Indo and Indigenous colonial elite alike. He was the first European governor to establish western style schooling and institutions[46] and by show of example attempted to introduce western values and morals.[47]
This first all encompassing attack on the existing Indo character of European society also revealed its political and cultural strength and the British were in the end unable to drastically change it. Only in later decennia with the arrival of larger numbers of Dutch expatriates, that included women and families, Indo dominance would be broken.[48]
Indos in the Colonial Army (1817-1900)
After the defeat of Napoleon and the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814 colonial government of the East Indies was ceded back to the Dutch in 1817. To secure unchallenged dominion over its colony in the East Indies the Dutch started to consolidate its power base through military campaigns ensuring the Dutch tricolor was firmly planted in all corners of the Archipelago. These military campaigns included: the Padri War (1821–1837), the Java War (1825–1830) and the Aceh War (1873–1904). This raised the need for a considerable military build up of the colonial army (KNIL). From all over Europe soldiers were recruited to join the KNIL.[49]
This new wave of Indo Eurasian families compounded to the already plural nature of the Indo community as this time it specifically concerned soldiers raising families on military compounds. Children born from the European KNIL soldiers and indigenous women [50] were immediately acknowledged as Europeans as it was more cost effective to recruit European soldiers locally than in Europe.
The colonial army became the largest employer in the Dutch East Indies and Indo males born into barrack life, also joined the KNIL. From the age of 7 Indo boys were sent to military school and at the age of 18, with the lack of other career opportunities, joined the KNIL.[51] At large Indos chose to join the non combatant units of the colonial army. The period up to 1870 showed the highest number of professional Indo soldiers.
After 1870 the number of Indos that enlisted in the colonial army strongly declined, as other career opportunities in the emerging agricultural industries presented themselves and the ongoing colonial wars continued. The unwillingness to join the colonial army forced the government to re-focus on military recruitment in Europe, which in turn resulted in a second big wave of Indo families based in KNIL induced migration during the 30 years of the Aceh War.[52]
Indos and the Cultivation System (1830-1870)
Once the island of Java, the centre of the colony, was ‘pacified’ after the defeat of Prince Diponogoro in 1830, the Dutch implemented a policy called the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ (English: Cultivation system). Along with its implementation Baron Jean Chrétien Baud, Governor-General (1833–1836) and Minister of Colonies (1840–1848), added discrimatory regulations aimed to withhold Indos from key governamental functions. He was of the opinion that full blooded i.e. white Dutch officials were better suited to persuade native nobility to comply to the ‘Cultivation System’. His thinking, influenced by his aristocratic background, was a radical shift from the opinion that Indos were the ideal intermediaries towards the indigenous rulers.[53]
Indo Residents[54] were removed from their positions as liaisons to the Javanese and Madurese Regents,[55] a role they had played since the VOC era. To further complicate the appointment and promotion of Indos, Baud enforced a Royal decree stipulating that governamental functions could only be granted on request of the Governor-General and needed approval by the Dutch King himself. Additionally in 1837 the pensions of Indo civil servants was cut in half. The reasoning behind that was the conviction that native born Indo officials should be easily able to adhere to lower living standards than expatriate Dutch officials born in the Netherlands.[56]
Another discrimatory measure stipulated that it was mandatory for colonial government officials to be educated in the Netherlands.[57] Simultaneously the already limited educational opportunities for the native born people of the Dutch East Indies (European, Indo-European and Indigenous alike) further decreased. All these restrictions had a direct impact on the livelihood of the Indo community, which finally resulted in revolutionary tensions.
In 1848 the leading figures of the colonial capital Batavia (Now Jakarta) assembled in protest. In fear of a violent backlash from the populous Indo community in Batavia the Governor-General at the time ordered the army to the highest state of preparedness.[58] Violence was averted, but 1848 was a watershed moment starting the political emancipation of Indos, which in the next century would result in several Indo dominated political parties of which some even advocated independence from the Netherlands.
Cautious not to alianate the largest segment of European society the second half of 19th century saw a change in colonial policy and loosening of the discrimatory measures against Indos. Opportunities for local education also increased a little.[59] Towards the end of the century the 'Cultivation System' was abandoned however pressure on the Indo community continued with arguments raising the question how native born Indo-Europeans could ever truly represent Western civilisation.[60]
During the first half of formal colonisation many practices the VOC had introduced in the previous centuries remained in place, and the overall levels of independence from the mother country remained equally high. The position of Indos as important trading intermediaries and main local representation of Dutch governance also remained the same.[40] Moreover European society in the East Indies was in fact dominated by Indo culture and customs that determined a.o. the lifestyle, language and dress code of its’ European population. European new arrivals settling in the East Indies adopted many of the Indo customs.[41]
In the 1830s colonial policies steered from the Netherlands (Ministry of colonial affairs) to decrease the autonomous and arbitrary nature of the colony, considerably increased pressure on the Indo population to ‘Dutchify’ its’ society.[40] Particularly during the implementation of the 'Cultivation System' legislation and regulations discriminatory against Indos were enforced. When the 'Cultivation System' policy was abandoned in 1870 it however also put in place a ban for Indos to own land.[42] Under threat of marginalisation the Indo community was forced to reflect on its position in the Dutch East Indies. For the first time in history Indos began to organise politically in an attempt to emancipate as a group.
Meanwhile the number of Indos in the 19th century also increased as the existing pre-colonial communities were complimented with offspring of European military men and indigenous women.
French and British interregnum (1806-1816)
A few years into formal colonisation of the East Indies, in Europe the Dutch Republic was occupied by the French forces of Napoleon. This resulted in an influx of French settlers in the East Indies. Notwithstanding the fact that the Dutch government went into exile in England and formally ceded its colonial possessions to Great Britain, the pro-French Governor General of the Dutch East Indies fought the British before surrendering the colony.[43] He was replaced by the British Governor Raffles, who later founded the city of Singapore. The 10 years of the French-British interregnum (1806–1816) saw an influx of British settlers in the East Indies. To this day one can still find many French and British family names in the Indo community.[44]
At the time the British took over governmental responsibilities of the Dutch East Indies, the European segment of society was still strongly Eurasian in nature. Even most Dutch governor-generals had married into matriarchal Indo clans and the European segment of society was in fact dominated by Indo culture. The polygot society he encountered spoke Malay, Portugis and other creole languages, as its first language and Dutch or other European languages only as a second or third language. The arts and crafts patronized by the Indo elite were usually indigenous e.g. gamelan, batik, various court dances, etc. Women clothing was often indistinguishable from indigenous fancy dress and many practices were rooted in ancient indigenous court culture.[45]
Intending to modernize the colony Raffles, a keen anthropologist and progressive administrator, attempted to westernize the character of the Dutch, Indo and Indigenous colonial elite alike. He was the first European governor to establish western style schooling and institutions[46] and by show of example attempted to introduce western values and morals.[47]
This first all encompassing attack on the existing Indo character of European society also revealed its political and cultural strength and the British were in the end unable to drastically change it. Only in later decennia with the arrival of larger numbers of Dutch expatriates, that included women and families, Indo dominance would be broken.[48]
Indos in the Colonial Army (1817-1900)
After the defeat of Napoleon and the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814 colonial government of the East Indies was ceded back to the Dutch in 1817. To secure unchallenged dominion over its colony in the East Indies the Dutch started to consolidate its power base through military campaigns ensuring the Dutch tricolor was firmly planted in all corners of the Archipelago. These military campaigns included: the Padri War (1821–1837), the Java War (1825–1830) and the Aceh War (1873–1904). This raised the need for a considerable military build up of the colonial army (KNIL). From all over Europe soldiers were recruited to join the KNIL.[49]
This new wave of Indo Eurasian families compounded to the already plural nature of the Indo community as this time it specifically concerned soldiers raising families on military compounds. Children born from the European KNIL soldiers and indigenous women [50] were immediately acknowledged as Europeans as it was more cost effective to recruit European soldiers locally than in Europe.
The colonial army became the largest employer in the Dutch East Indies and Indo males born into barrack life, also joined the KNIL. From the age of 7 Indo boys were sent to military school and at the age of 18, with the lack of other career opportunities, joined the KNIL.[51] At large Indos chose to join the non combatant units of the colonial army. The period up to 1870 showed the highest number of professional Indo soldiers.
After 1870 the number of Indos that enlisted in the colonial army strongly declined, as other career opportunities in the emerging agricultural industries presented themselves and the ongoing colonial wars continued. The unwillingness to join the colonial army forced the government to re-focus on military recruitment in Europe, which in turn resulted in a second big wave of Indo families based in KNIL induced migration during the 30 years of the Aceh War.[52]
Indos and the Cultivation System (1830-1870)
Once the island of Java, the centre of the colony, was ‘pacified’ after the defeat of Prince Diponogoro in 1830, the Dutch implemented a policy called the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ (English: Cultivation system). Along with its implementation Baron Jean Chrétien Baud, Governor-General (1833–1836) and Minister of Colonies (1840–1848), added discrimatory regulations aimed to withhold Indos from key governamental functions. He was of the opinion that full blooded i.e. white Dutch officials were better suited to persuade native nobility to comply to the ‘Cultivation System’. His thinking, influenced by his aristocratic background, was a radical shift from the opinion that Indos were the ideal intermediaries towards the indigenous rulers.[53]
Indo Residents[54] were removed from their positions as liaisons to the Javanese and Madurese Regents,[55] a role they had played since the VOC era. To further complicate the appointment and promotion of Indos, Baud enforced a Royal decree stipulating that governamental functions could only be granted on request of the Governor-General and needed approval by the Dutch King himself. Additionally in 1837 the pensions of Indo civil servants was cut in half. The reasoning behind that was the conviction that native born Indo officials should be easily able to adhere to lower living standards than expatriate Dutch officials born in the Netherlands.[56]
Another discrimatory measure stipulated that it was mandatory for colonial government officials to be educated in the Netherlands.[57] Simultaneously the already limited educational opportunities for the native born people of the Dutch East Indies (European, Indo-European and Indigenous alike) further decreased. All these restrictions had a direct impact on the livelihood of the Indo community, which finally resulted in revolutionary tensions.
In 1848 the leading figures of the colonial capital Batavia (Now Jakarta) assembled in protest. In fear of a violent backlash from the populous Indo community in Batavia the Governor-General at the time ordered the army to the highest state of preparedness.[58] Violence was averted, but 1848 was a watershed moment starting the political emancipation of Indos, which in the next century would result in several Indo dominated political parties of which some even advocated independence from the Netherlands.
Cautious not to alianate the largest segment of European society the second half of 19th century saw a change in colonial policy and loosening of the discrimatory measures against Indos. Opportunities for local education also increased a little.[59] Towards the end of the century the 'Cultivation System' was abandoned however pressure on the Indo community continued with arguments raising the question how native born Indo-Europeans could ever truly represent Western civilisation.[60]
Historic overview colonial era (1900-1963)
20th century
In the next century Dutch ethnocentric beliefs dominated the administration's politics and policies. In an effort to legitimize and promote the colonial system the so called ‘Ethical Policy’ was developed and implemented (1900–1930), while at the same time the superiority syndrome (i.e. The White Man's Burden) prevailed more than ever. Also on a social level the arrival of larger number of Dutch expatriates, for the first time including many Dutch women and families, continued to affect the nature of Indo-European society. In the end political and social ‘Dutchification’ almost totally eradicated the Eurasian character of Indo culture.
The process of political emancipation of Indos, which started in the previous century, continued resulting in various political organisations such as Dekker‘s ‘Indische Party’ and Zaalberg’s 'Indo European Alliance', but was cut short by WWII and never established a structural connection to the Indonesian independence movement.
Execution of POW in New Guinea, 24 October 1943. When World War II broke out the Netherlands was occupied by Nazi Germany in 1940, while the Dutch East Indies was occupied by Imperial Japan in 1942. All non Axis Europeans, including most Indo-European males, were interned in Japanese prisoner camps until 1945. During this period close to 25% of the POW’s did not survive their imprisonment.[61][62]
The end of WWII heralded the end of colonialsm worldwide. From 1945 to 1949 the Indonesian National Revolution turned the former Dutch East Indies into an increasingly hostile environment for Indo-Europeans. Violence aimed towards Indo-Europeans during its early Bersiap period (1945-1946) accumulated in almost 20,000 deaths.[63]
In 1949 the Dutch recognised the Republic of Indonesia, save the area of Dutch New Guinea. Most Indos that chose Indonesian citizenship retracted their decision due to continued anti-Dutch sentiments and regulations.[64] Many Indo Europeans also hoped for a future in Dutch New Guinea until in 1962-1963 this area too was annexed into present day Indonesia, officially ending the colonial era of the Dutch East Indies.
The Indo diaspora which started in the ‘Bersiap’ period continued up to 1964 and resulted in the emigration of practically all Indo-Europeans from a turbulent young Indonesian nation.
Indos in the Colonial Army (1900-1942)
In the first 10 years of the 20th century there was a last push to dominate all corners of the Dutch East Indies. Military campaigns by the expedient and infamous Van Heutsz , who had been made Governor-General (1904-1909) for his victory in the Aceh War (1904), subdued the last indigenous resistance in Bali (1906 and 1908) and Papua, bringing the whole of the Dutch East Indies under direct colonial rule. Meanwhile the number of Indos signing up to join the colonial army (KNIL) was at an all time low.[65]
Notwithstanding the large numbers of Indo offspring (known as ‘Anak Kolong’) from the 2 main waves of KNIL induced migration in the previous century, the number of professional Indo soldiers kept declining steadily. At the turn of the century all schools for officers in the Dutch East Indies had been liquidated leaving military career opportunities limited to the rank of non-commissioned officers. Officers were now solely educated and recruited in the Netherlands. Meanwhile civilian career opportunities increased and even Indo boys born into barrack life preferred seeking employment outside the army.[66]
In 1910 only 5 Indo-Europeans volunteered for military service, while there was a shortage of 15,310 European soldiers. As a result the KNIL remained dependent on lengthy and costly recruitment in Europe and was forced to re-organise its internal structure. Ethnic Ambonese were considered the most competent and reliable indigenous soldiers and their military status was practically equalised to European status. In the following years slots for Ambonese i.e. South Moluccan KNIL soldiers also greatly increased to compensate for the lack of Indo-Europeans.[67]
Most KNIL soldiers and non commissioned officers now consisted of indigenous people. The vast majority of indigenous soldiers were ethnic Javanese. While a relatively high percentage was from the Minahasa and the South Moluccas. To ensure a sizeable European military segment and enforce the return of Indos to the KNIL the colonial government introduced obligatory military service for the (Indo-)European population of the Dutch East Indies in 1917.[68]
The introduction of mandatory military service for (Indo-) European conscripts successfully boosted the European segment in the colonial army, while simultaneously reducing costly recruitment in Europe. In 1922 a supplemental legal enactment introduced the creation of a ‘Home guard’ (Dutch: Landstorm) for (Indo-)European conscripts older than 32. By 1940 these legal measures had successfully mitigated the strong trend of Indos discarting the colonial armed forces and had once again secured the proportionally high ratio of 1 European soldier for every 3 Indigenous soldiers.[69]
In the next century Dutch ethnocentric beliefs dominated the administration's politics and policies. In an effort to legitimize and promote the colonial system the so called ‘Ethical Policy’ was developed and implemented (1900–1930), while at the same time the superiority syndrome (i.e. The White Man's Burden) prevailed more than ever. Also on a social level the arrival of larger number of Dutch expatriates, for the first time including many Dutch women and families, continued to affect the nature of Indo-European society. In the end political and social ‘Dutchification’ almost totally eradicated the Eurasian character of Indo culture.
The process of political emancipation of Indos, which started in the previous century, continued resulting in various political organisations such as Dekker‘s ‘Indische Party’ and Zaalberg’s 'Indo European Alliance', but was cut short by WWII and never established a structural connection to the Indonesian independence movement.
Execution of POW in New Guinea, 24 October 1943. When World War II broke out the Netherlands was occupied by Nazi Germany in 1940, while the Dutch East Indies was occupied by Imperial Japan in 1942. All non Axis Europeans, including most Indo-European males, were interned in Japanese prisoner camps until 1945. During this period close to 25% of the POW’s did not survive their imprisonment.[61][62]
The end of WWII heralded the end of colonialsm worldwide. From 1945 to 1949 the Indonesian National Revolution turned the former Dutch East Indies into an increasingly hostile environment for Indo-Europeans. Violence aimed towards Indo-Europeans during its early Bersiap period (1945-1946) accumulated in almost 20,000 deaths.[63]
In 1949 the Dutch recognised the Republic of Indonesia, save the area of Dutch New Guinea. Most Indos that chose Indonesian citizenship retracted their decision due to continued anti-Dutch sentiments and regulations.[64] Many Indo Europeans also hoped for a future in Dutch New Guinea until in 1962-1963 this area too was annexed into present day Indonesia, officially ending the colonial era of the Dutch East Indies.
The Indo diaspora which started in the ‘Bersiap’ period continued up to 1964 and resulted in the emigration of practically all Indo-Europeans from a turbulent young Indonesian nation.
Indos in the Colonial Army (1900-1942)
In the first 10 years of the 20th century there was a last push to dominate all corners of the Dutch East Indies. Military campaigns by the expedient and infamous Van Heutsz , who had been made Governor-General (1904-1909) for his victory in the Aceh War (1904), subdued the last indigenous resistance in Bali (1906 and 1908) and Papua, bringing the whole of the Dutch East Indies under direct colonial rule. Meanwhile the number of Indos signing up to join the colonial army (KNIL) was at an all time low.[65]
Notwithstanding the large numbers of Indo offspring (known as ‘Anak Kolong’) from the 2 main waves of KNIL induced migration in the previous century, the number of professional Indo soldiers kept declining steadily. At the turn of the century all schools for officers in the Dutch East Indies had been liquidated leaving military career opportunities limited to the rank of non-commissioned officers. Officers were now solely educated and recruited in the Netherlands. Meanwhile civilian career opportunities increased and even Indo boys born into barrack life preferred seeking employment outside the army.[66]
In 1910 only 5 Indo-Europeans volunteered for military service, while there was a shortage of 15,310 European soldiers. As a result the KNIL remained dependent on lengthy and costly recruitment in Europe and was forced to re-organise its internal structure. Ethnic Ambonese were considered the most competent and reliable indigenous soldiers and their military status was practically equalised to European status. In the following years slots for Ambonese i.e. South Moluccan KNIL soldiers also greatly increased to compensate for the lack of Indo-Europeans.[67]
Most KNIL soldiers and non commissioned officers now consisted of indigenous people. The vast majority of indigenous soldiers were ethnic Javanese. While a relatively high percentage was from the Minahasa and the South Moluccas. To ensure a sizeable European military segment and enforce the return of Indos to the KNIL the colonial government introduced obligatory military service for the (Indo-)European population of the Dutch East Indies in 1917.[68]
The introduction of mandatory military service for (Indo-) European conscripts successfully boosted the European segment in the colonial army, while simultaneously reducing costly recruitment in Europe. In 1922 a supplemental legal enactment introduced the creation of a ‘Home guard’ (Dutch: Landstorm) for (Indo-)European conscripts older than 32. By 1940 these legal measures had successfully mitigated the strong trend of Indos discarting the colonial armed forces and had once again secured the proportionally high ratio of 1 European soldier for every 3 Indigenous soldiers.[69]
References
Notes & citations
- ^ Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.18 ISBN 0922 7210 [1]
- ^ Note: The numbers of Dutch females had already increased from 4,000 in 1905 to about 26,000 in 1930. See: Wiseman, Roger. 'Assimilation Out.', (Conference paper, ASAA 2000, Melbourne University.)
- ^ Dutch single women and family matrons now traveled to the Indies in greater numbers as between the first and second world war travel time to the Indies was shortened due to finalisation of the Suez canal, the Indies had been ‘pacified’ i.e. no more large scale wars were waged and the development of industrialisation and administration of the Indies attracted more Dutch expatriates which affected all areas of Indo culture. See: Gouda, Frances ‘Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942.’ (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 979 979 3780 62 7 Chapter 5 P.157-193 [2]
- ^ Gouda, Frances ‘Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942.’ (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 979 979 3780 62 7 Chapter 5, P.173 [3]
- ^ Dutch expansion paused for several years during an interregnum of Bnitish rule between 1806-1816, when the Dutch Republic was occupied by the French forces of Napoleon. The Dutch government exiled in England, ceded rule of all its colonies to Great Britain. The Governor of the Dutch East Indies however fought the British before surrendering the colony. He was replaced by Raffles. See: Bongenaar K.E.M. ‘De ontwikkeling van het zelfbesturend landschap in Nederlandsch-Indië.’ (Publisher: Walburg Press) ISBN 90-5730-267-5
- ^ With a notable and dramatic exception in the island of Banda during the VOC era. See: Hanna, Willard A. ‘Indonesian Banda: Colonialism and its Aftermath in the Nutmeg Islands.’ (1991). Large scale population dis-placement (called trans-migration) only occurred after independece in the 2nd half of the 20th century. See: Transmigration program
- ^ This strategy was already established by the VOC, which independently acted as a semi-souvereign state within the Dutch state. See: Boxer, C.R. ‘The Dutch Seaborne Empire: 1600-1800.’ (London, 1965) and [4]
- ^ Wallace, Alfred Russel (1869) 'The Malay Archipelago', (Publisher: Harper, 1869.) Chapter VII [5]
- ^ Another policy copied from the VOC, which had also stimulated settlement versus expatriatism. See: De Witt, D. ‘Children of the VOC’ at ‘The Easternization of the West: The Role of Melaka, the Malay-Indonesian archipelago and the Dutch (VOC).’ (International seminar by the Melaka State Government, the Malaysian Institute of Historical and Patriotism Studies (IKSEP), the Institute of Occidental Studies (IKON) at the National University of Malaysia (UKM) and the Netherlands Embassy in Malaysia. Malacca, Malaysia, 27th July 2006.)[6]
- ^ This continues to this day. Even now the Dutch census needs to ‘estimate’ Indo headcount in the Netherlands, as in fact their numbers include emigrant Indonesians, refugee Moluccans and pure ethnic Dutchmen that were born in either the Dutch East Indies or Indonesia. See: CBS website
- ^ In South Africa 'Coloured' is one of the 4 official legals classes, with less rights than white people and more rights than indigenous black people. In Singapore the British created a separate Eurasian class into which people of mixed descent were registered. See: Eurasian Singaporean
- ^ Gouda, Frances ‘Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942.’ (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 979 979 3780 62 7 Chapter 5, P.163 [7]
- ^ The term ‘shade bar’ was first coined in 1994. See: Willems, Wim Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942) Part I, ‘De adeldom van de huid’ by Fasseur, P. ,(COMT, Leiden, 1994) ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Several instances throughout history Indos experienced this opportunistic approach through changing government policies. The last example being the official post colonial ‘discouragement policy’, which tried to manipulate Indos into not retaining Dutch citizenship and therefore not ‘repatriate’ to the Netherlands. See: Vos, Kirsten ‘Indie Tabe, Opvattingen in kranten van Indische Nederlanders in Indonesië over de repatriëring.’ (Master Thesis Media and Journalism, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Faculty of history and art, The Hague, 2007)
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ Part III, ‘Indocentrisch of egocentrisch’ by Seriese, E. ,(COMT, Leiden, 1994) P.183-185 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: The native born primordial mother is often referred to with the Malay or Balinese term ‘Nyay’. (English: Concubine) For literature see:Toer, P.A.‘Bumi Manusia’.
- ^ Both the VOC and the KNIL had recruited men throughout Europe. See: Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2
- ^ Indian roots are traced back to freed Portuguese slaves from India called Mardijker people and Sri-Lankan roots to the Ceylon free Burghers. African roots are traced back to Ghanese soldiers serving in the colonial army (KNIL). See: Bosma U., Raben R. Being "Dutch" in the Indies: a history of creolisation and empire, 1500-1920 (University of Michigan, NUS Press, 2008) ISBN 9971-69-373-9[8]
- ^ Physical features vary from dark skin to fair skin, dark hair to fair hair, dark eyes to light eyes, etc. See: Rozario, S.M.S. ‘Door blauwe ogen.’ (Publisher: Fontaine Uitgevers, 2005)
- ^ ab Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.11-22 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Gouda, Frances ‘Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942.’ (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 979 979 3780 62 7 Chapter 5, P.171 [9]
- ^ A third class: Foreign Easterners (Dutch: Vreemde Oosterlingen) was added 1920. See: id:Vreemde Oosterlingen and [10]. See: Cordes, Jan, Willem, Cornelis. ‘De Privaatrechterlijke Toestand: Der Vreemde Oosterlingen Op Java En Madoera (1887).’ (Publisher” Bibiliobazaar, 2008) ISBN-13: 978-0559234989
- ^ For literature on the Singapore Eurasian see: Oehelrs, Jock ‘That's how it goes: autobiography of a Singapore Eurasian.’ (Select Publishing, 2008) ISBN 13 978 982 4022 39 2 [11]
- ^ Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.36 ISBN 0922 7210 [12]
- ^ Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.35 ISBN 0922 7210 [13]
- ^ Note: From 1895 to 1940 about 30,000 Indo children were recognised as European. See: Wiseman, Roger. 'Assimilation Out.', (Conference paper, ASAA 2000, Melbourne University.)
- ^ Note: Marrying the indigenous mother of their offspring was not mandatory. See: Vandenbosch, Amry ‘The Dutch East Indies: its government, problems and politics.’ (University of California Press, 1941)
- ^ Note: European legal status could also be legally obtained by indigenous people, who usually had a western education and were Christian in religion. See: Jones, Guno ‘Tussen onderdanen, rijksgenoten en Nederlanders: Nederlandse politici over burgers uit Oost en West en Nederland, 1945-2005.’ (Publisher: Rozenberg, Amsterdam, 2007)
- ^ Note: Many of the common matrimonial-like concubinage relationships between European males and indigenous females (known as Nyay) could now be made legal through marriage. From 1848 to 1940 19,000 mixed mariages were counted. The first such marriage was concluded in 1849. See: Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.20-21 ISBN 0922 7210
- ^ Note: From 1881 to 1940 close to 210,000 Indo children were born from marriage. 45,000 were born from a mixed European-Indigenous marriage, 48,000 were recognised as European outside marriage (concubinage). See: Wiseman, Roger. 'Assimilation Out.', (Conference paper, ASAA 2000, Melbourne University.) and Van Marle, A. (1952) ‘De groep der Europeanen in Nederlands-Indië, iets Over Ontstaan en Groei’, (Indonesie 5, n°2, 1952.)
- ^ As off the introduction of this legal ordinance in 1871, particularly in the old Christian 'Portuguese' areas of the Minahasa and Maluku, many indigenous men obtained the 'European Equality' status. In the South Moluccas 30% of the people classified as European were indigenous Moluccans. Also more and more Indo-Chinese people applied for the 'European Equality' status (Formally renamed: 'toepasselijk verklaring' in 1920). See: Wiseman, Roger. 'Assimilation Out.', (Conference paper, ASAA 2000, Melbourne University.) and see: Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.33 ISBN 0922 7210 [14]
- ^ Note: ‘Totok’ (English: full blooded i.e. white) women as opposed to the already racially mixed Indo-European women.
- ^ Gouda, Frances ‘Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942.’ (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 979 979 3780 62 7 Chapter 5, P.168 [15]
- ^ Frederick, William H. and Worden, Robert L. Indonesia: A Country Study. (Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1993) Country studies (Indonesia), U.S. Library of Congress
- ^ Uhlenbeck, E.M. (1964), "A Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Java and Madura", (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964) P.43
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ Part III, ‘Indisch Nederlands: verleden, heden en toekomst.’ by de Vries, J.W. ,(COMT, Leiden, 1994) P.128 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ Part III, ‘Indisch Nederlands: verleden, heden en toekomst.’ by de Vries, J.W. ,(COMT, Leiden, 1994) P.125-126 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Wiseman, Roger. 'Assimilation Out.', (Conference paper, ASAA 2000, Melbourne University.) Chapter 5, Dutchification and Assimilation.
- ^ Indo author Tjalie Robinson has continued to write literature in Pecok up to his death in 1974. See: Paasman, Bert ‘Tjalie Robinson, de stem van Indisch Nederland’ (Publisher Stichting Tong Tong) ISBN 90-801433-3-2
- ^ ab See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.15 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: It was not uncommon for instance to see newly arrived ‘totok’ Dutch expatriates wear sarongs and learn Malay. For more on the Eurasian character of Indo society see: Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2[16] p.78 and p.93
- ^Article by Rober Cribb.
- ^ For pro-French GG Daendels fight with the British see: Anglo-Dutch Java War.
- ^ Note that Indos with French and British family names may also descent from VOC or KNIL employees as both organisations recruited throughout Europe. There were also many British companies active in the East Indies durig the VOC era. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.24 and P.44 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia P.78 and P.93(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2 See also: Indos in pre-colonial history.
- ^ Up to that point the Dutch has never established a European school system in the East Indies. During Raffles rule there was also an influx of Freemasonry lodges in the East Indies. See: Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia P.78-93(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2
- ^ Raffles and his wife especially actively focused on the position of women in society. See: Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia P.78-93(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2
- ^ Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia P.113(Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 978-0-300-09709-2
- ^ Note: In 1819 the standing army consisted of over 7,000 European and 5,000 indigenous troops. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.24 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: The children were called ‘Anak Tangsi’ (English: Barrack Babies) or ‘Anak Kolong’. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.25 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: In 1847 the first military school was founded. The Gombong school in central Java established in 1854 remained active until WWII. A famous indigenous pupil was Suharto second president of Indonesia. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.25 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: Many more Europeans soldiers arrrived in the Dutch East Indies during the Aceh War of 1873-1904. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.27 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.16 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: Residents were the European representatives that operated as intermediaries to the indigenous Regents, usually native aristocracy. See: Resident (title)
- ^ Note: Regents were the local rulers, usually the existing indigenous aristocracy. See: Sutherland, Heather.(1973)[17]
- ^ See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.17-18 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: Both native born (aka creole or ‘totok’) Europeans and Indo-Europeans (aka colourds or ‘mestizo’) opposed the measure as it was obviously extremely costly to have children educated in the Netherlands. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.18 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: In the evening of the 22nd of May 1848, the canons and guns of the colonial army were locked and loaded, for the first time in its history ready to subdue a potential Indo uprising. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.19 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: In 1860 the colonial government finally established the Batavia Gymnasium, the first high school in the Indies. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, ISBN 90 71042 44 8 and Taylor, Jean Gelman. The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia P.119 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). ISBN 9780300097092
- ^ See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.19-20 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Kousbroek, Rudy (2005) ‘Het Oostindisch kampsyndroom’, (Publisher: Olympus, Amsterdam, 2005) P.541 ISBN 90 467 0203 0
- ^ Note: Over 10% of the civilian (mostly women, children and elderly) prisoners did not survive, in contrast to the 5% death toll among indigenous islanders and Indos that were not imprisoned during the Japanese occupation. Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.38 ISBN 0922 7210 [18]
- ^ Official bodycount of 3,600 and at least 16,000 people that disappeared. See: Bussemaker, H.Th. 'Bersiap! - Opstand in het paradijs.' (Walburg Pers, Zutphen, 2005) ISBN 90-5730-366-3 summarised in this educational paper: [19]
- ^ Note: These people are known by the Dutch term: 'Spijtoptanten' See:nl:Spijtoptant (English: Repentis). Of the 31,000 people that originally opted for Indonesian citizenship 25,000 withdrew their decision over the years. See: Van Nimwegen, Nico De demografische geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, Report no.64 (Publisher: NIDI, The Hague, 2002) P.38 ISBN 0922 7210 [20]
- ^ Note: The borders under direct Dutch rule established by the military campaigns led by van Heutsz , would become the exact borders of the independent Republic of Indonesia in the second half of the century. Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.26-28 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.30-31 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.29-30 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.32-33 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
- ^ Note: Additionally the modernisation of the colonial armed forces, especially the establishment of an air force and opening up of the navy also attracted more young Indos to join the KNIL. See: Willems, Wim ‘Sporen van een Indisch verleden (1600-1942).’ (COMT, Leiden, 1994). Chapter I, P.32-36 ISBN 90 71042 44 8
Political movements (20th century)
The Dekker Brothers, Boer War volunteers.
Indische Party est.1912
The Indische Party (IP) or Indies Party was a short lived (1912-1913) but influential political organisation founded in 1912 by the Indo-European (Eurasian) journalist E.F.E. Douwes Dekker and the Javanese physicians Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soewardi Soerjaningrat. As one of the very first political organisations pioneering Indonesian nationalism in the colonial Dutch East Indies it inspired several later organisations such as the ‘Nationaal Indische Party’ (N.I.P.) or ‘Sarekat Hindia’ in 1919 and, ‘Indo Europeesch Verbond’ (I.E.V.) in 1919. [1]
"Revolutionary action enables people to achieve their objectives quickly. Surely this is not immoral [...] The Indische Party can safely be called revolutionary. Such a word does not frighten us[...]" Douwes Dekker.[2]
Although short lived and only accumulating a little over 7000 members its’ influence as the first multi-racial political party that clearly stated the, at the time radical, notion of independence was far reaching. The IP’s aim was to unite all native peoples of the Indies in a struggle for an independent nation. [3]
Foundation 1912
Under the slogan of “Indie voor Indiers” membership was opened to Indo-Europeans, Dutch permanent settlers, Indo-Chinese natives and all indigenous peoples. Inspired by the leading role Eurasian Ilustrados had played in the independence struggle in the Philippines, the IP envisioned a similar uniting role for the Indo Eurasians in the Indies. Over 5,000 of its' 7,000 members were Indos.[4]
“The coloured [Indo] rejected by his white father, is the ideal foreman in the final liberation of his indigenous relatives.” Douwes Dekker
Douwes Dekker however also warned the Indo community not to carry on the racist notions indoctrinated by the colonial system.
[...]colonial policy and its colonial morality are rotten. This is of course what the Indische Partij aims at in its struggle against racial superiority and racial discrimination [...] It will give the final push to make the tree of racial discrimination crash to earth [...] But when Indos of mixed blood complain about this racial superiority they must take care not to become guilty themselves of the same sin with respect to the indigenous natives. They must realize that artificially inculcated ideas of belonging to the ruling classes do by no means give them the right to look down on a class of Indiers with whom they are bound together with unbreakable chains [...] Douwes Dekker. [5]
In 1912 the removal of the Batavia school for Civil Servants from the Dutch East Indies and the ban on establishing a Medical school for Indo-Europeans and Indo-Chinese had contributed to a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction and the IP membership numbers were rising speedily. Within a month the Party’s magazine had a 1,000 paying subscribers. In fear of a Malay language edition and collaboration with the ‘Sarekat Islam’ the colonial authorities stepped up its’ efforts to ban the IP.
Ban 1913
When in July 1913 IP founder Tjipto was chairman of the ‘Bumi Putra’ committee and commissioned IP co-founder Soewardi’s famous ironic pamphlet ‘If I would have been a Dutchman.’ all 3 IP founders were put on trial.
Explicitly and vigorously opposing widespread racial discrimination by the colonial elite of expatriate Dutchmen and advocating total independence from the Netherlands, the colonial government hastened to brand the political organisation as subversive and banned it only 1 year after its’ foundation.
Exactly 1 year after the foundation of the IP all 3 founders were exiled to the Netherlands. They were able to remain politically active and eventually return to the Dutch East Indies. Tjipto became future president Sukarno's second political mentor, after an imprisonment on Banda he died in 1943. After Indonesia's declaration of independence in 1945 Douwes Dekker, now named Danoedirdja Setiaboeddhi, became minister of state in the cabinet of Indonesian prime minister Sjahrir. Soewardi became Indonesian minister of education in 1949.
Trivia
From 1994 to 2006 a political party named the 'Vrije Indische Party' (VIP) existed in the Netherlands. With a constituency of mainly first generation Indo and Dutch repatriates from the former Dutch East Indies its' aim was to look after their interests which included care for the elderly and restitution of damages suffered during the war and Bersiap periods
The Indische Party (IP) or Indies Party was a short lived (1912-1913) but influential political organisation founded in 1912 by the Indo-European (Eurasian) journalist E.F.E. Douwes Dekker and the Javanese physicians Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soewardi Soerjaningrat. As one of the very first political organisations pioneering Indonesian nationalism in the colonial Dutch East Indies it inspired several later organisations such as the ‘Nationaal Indische Party’ (N.I.P.) or ‘Sarekat Hindia’ in 1919 and, ‘Indo Europeesch Verbond’ (I.E.V.) in 1919. [1]
"Revolutionary action enables people to achieve their objectives quickly. Surely this is not immoral [...] The Indische Party can safely be called revolutionary. Such a word does not frighten us[...]" Douwes Dekker.[2]
Although short lived and only accumulating a little over 7000 members its’ influence as the first multi-racial political party that clearly stated the, at the time radical, notion of independence was far reaching. The IP’s aim was to unite all native peoples of the Indies in a struggle for an independent nation. [3]
Foundation 1912
Under the slogan of “Indie voor Indiers” membership was opened to Indo-Europeans, Dutch permanent settlers, Indo-Chinese natives and all indigenous peoples. Inspired by the leading role Eurasian Ilustrados had played in the independence struggle in the Philippines, the IP envisioned a similar uniting role for the Indo Eurasians in the Indies. Over 5,000 of its' 7,000 members were Indos.[4]
“The coloured [Indo] rejected by his white father, is the ideal foreman in the final liberation of his indigenous relatives.” Douwes Dekker
Douwes Dekker however also warned the Indo community not to carry on the racist notions indoctrinated by the colonial system.
[...]colonial policy and its colonial morality are rotten. This is of course what the Indische Partij aims at in its struggle against racial superiority and racial discrimination [...] It will give the final push to make the tree of racial discrimination crash to earth [...] But when Indos of mixed blood complain about this racial superiority they must take care not to become guilty themselves of the same sin with respect to the indigenous natives. They must realize that artificially inculcated ideas of belonging to the ruling classes do by no means give them the right to look down on a class of Indiers with whom they are bound together with unbreakable chains [...] Douwes Dekker. [5]
In 1912 the removal of the Batavia school for Civil Servants from the Dutch East Indies and the ban on establishing a Medical school for Indo-Europeans and Indo-Chinese had contributed to a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction and the IP membership numbers were rising speedily. Within a month the Party’s magazine had a 1,000 paying subscribers. In fear of a Malay language edition and collaboration with the ‘Sarekat Islam’ the colonial authorities stepped up its’ efforts to ban the IP.
Ban 1913
When in July 1913 IP founder Tjipto was chairman of the ‘Bumi Putra’ committee and commissioned IP co-founder Soewardi’s famous ironic pamphlet ‘If I would have been a Dutchman.’ all 3 IP founders were put on trial.
Explicitly and vigorously opposing widespread racial discrimination by the colonial elite of expatriate Dutchmen and advocating total independence from the Netherlands, the colonial government hastened to brand the political organisation as subversive and banned it only 1 year after its’ foundation.
Exactly 1 year after the foundation of the IP all 3 founders were exiled to the Netherlands. They were able to remain politically active and eventually return to the Dutch East Indies. Tjipto became future president Sukarno's second political mentor, after an imprisonment on Banda he died in 1943. After Indonesia's declaration of independence in 1945 Douwes Dekker, now named Danoedirdja Setiaboeddhi, became minister of state in the cabinet of Indonesian prime minister Sjahrir. Soewardi became Indonesian minister of education in 1949.
Trivia
From 1994 to 2006 a political party named the 'Vrije Indische Party' (VIP) existed in the Netherlands. With a constituency of mainly first generation Indo and Dutch repatriates from the former Dutch East Indies its' aim was to look after their interests which included care for the elderly and restitution of damages suffered during the war and Bersiap periods
Insulinde est.1913-1919
Political party Insulinde (1913–1919), a direct successor of the Indische Party (IP) and later renamed the Nationale Indische Party (NIP), was a political organization that represented efforts by some Indo Eurasians to identify and cooperate with the Indigenous educated élite of the Dutch East Indies in an effort to establish an independent dominion. The organisation was mainly led by Indo-European and Javanese activists, but had a considerable membership in the South Moluccas. It was considered part of the more radical political wing in the colony, for which it faced much oppression from the colonial authorities.
Foundation
Insulinde was the direct successor of the Indische Party (IP), with a strong Indo-European (Eurasian) following and was based in Semarang. When the 3 founders of the IP (E.F.E. Douwes Dekker, Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soewardi Soerjaningrat) were exiled to the Netherlands in 1913, the IP secretary became chairman of the newly established ‘’Insulinde’’. The ‘’Insulinde’’ leadership was immediately put under strict police surveillance, but retained a strong core following. 6 September, the founding day of the IP and coincidentally also the day the 3 IP founders sailed into exile was proclaimed 'IP Day' by ‘’Insulinde’’.
Still many former IP members were scared off by the harsh measures of the colonial authorities and refrained from joining ‘’Insulinde’’. Its magazine ‘De Express‘ lost subscriptions and came into financial difficulties. Only to be saved by the IP’s so called TADO ‘’Tot Aan De Onafhankelijkheid’’, (Until The Independence) fund. The three former leaders of the IP, branded "embittered extremists" by the colonial government, were held in great esteem by the Insulinde members. During the 1913 Dutch imperial festivities Indo-Europeans of the ‘’Insulinde’’ party drove through white (totok) neighbourhoods in the big cities waving the IP banner.
Insulinde Magazine
August 1914 Insulinde published its bi-weekly Dutch & Malay language paper, named ‘De Goentoer’ (The Thunder), edited by Javanese Insulinde member Darnakoesoemo, a close friend of IP leader Tjipto. To the great dismay of the authorities It still called for independence of the Dutch East Indies, “free of foreign tyranny” and defended the interests of indigenous and Indo people alike.
Contributors Darnakoesoemo and fellow Javanese Marco Kartodikromo aka Mas Marco, were considered “extremely dangerous” and were prosecuted for subversive activity by the authorities for which they served time. Mas Marco went to the Netherlands for 5 months after his sentence in 1916. In Holland he was surprised and impressed, as other indigenous exiles and student activists were before him, by the much greater levels of freedom of speech and political freedom granted there.
Once back in the Dutch East Indies his writing became even more “radical”, and he was sentenced to a relatively heavy prison term of two years. The ’’Insulinde’’ party founded a committee and fund to support Mas Marco, his family and other persecuted activists.
Insulinde & the ISDV
Dutch communist leader Henk Sneevliet co-founder of the ISDV, who had arrived in Java in 1913 initially believed ‘’Insulinde’‘ could be an effective vehicle to disseminate the socialist ideals and agenda in the colony. Some members of theISDV (predecessor of the Indonesian Communist Party) however felt that Insulinde was waging a “race struggle” rather than a “class struggle” and called E.F.E. Douwes Dekker, a “nationalist anarchist” rather than a “social democrat”.
In its political struggle Insulinde was allied to the Sarekat Islam and ISDV, organizing protest rallies and meetings attended by thousands. Cooperation with the ISDV was ended in 1917 on the grounds that Insulinde believed that the Dutch leadership of that party was trying to drive a wedge between the Indigenous and Indo people.
In the end both the authorities and public opinion considered the Marxist aims of the ISDV to uproot and transform world order, more dangerous and extreme than Insulinde’s aim for independence.RiseUnder the guidance of former IP leader Tjipto, who due to health reasons had returned early from exile, the party flourished. In 1917 Insulinde gained a large majority at the council elections of the colonial capital Batavia. In both Semarang and Ambon city Ambonese political activists joined the party. Insulinde was the first political organization obtaining a serious foothold in the Moluccas. By June 1919 Insulinde had a membership of 17,000 members and was well represented in theVolksraad (Dutch East Indies) were it maintained close ties with Budi Utomo and the Sarekat Islam.
Renamed NIP
With the return from exile of the other two former IP leaders Douwes Dekker and Soewardi Soerjaningrat the party decided to rekindle the IP’s nationalist flame and renamed itself the Nationale Indische Party (NIP), National Indies Party in 1919. Again the colonial authorities thwarted any possibility for the NIP to become a mass movement by arresting NIP leaders.
When NIP membership numbers dropped, many of its Indo-European members joined the 1919 established Indo European Alliance (IEV), founded by Douwes Dekker's former colleague, friend and associate Karel Zaalberg.
The National Indies Party (NIP) became a predecessor of Sukarno's Indonesian National Party (PNI).
Foundation
Insulinde was the direct successor of the Indische Party (IP), with a strong Indo-European (Eurasian) following and was based in Semarang. When the 3 founders of the IP (E.F.E. Douwes Dekker, Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soewardi Soerjaningrat) were exiled to the Netherlands in 1913, the IP secretary became chairman of the newly established ‘’Insulinde’’. The ‘’Insulinde’’ leadership was immediately put under strict police surveillance, but retained a strong core following. 6 September, the founding day of the IP and coincidentally also the day the 3 IP founders sailed into exile was proclaimed 'IP Day' by ‘’Insulinde’’.
Still many former IP members were scared off by the harsh measures of the colonial authorities and refrained from joining ‘’Insulinde’’. Its magazine ‘De Express‘ lost subscriptions and came into financial difficulties. Only to be saved by the IP’s so called TADO ‘’Tot Aan De Onafhankelijkheid’’, (Until The Independence) fund. The three former leaders of the IP, branded "embittered extremists" by the colonial government, were held in great esteem by the Insulinde members. During the 1913 Dutch imperial festivities Indo-Europeans of the ‘’Insulinde’’ party drove through white (totok) neighbourhoods in the big cities waving the IP banner.
Insulinde Magazine
August 1914 Insulinde published its bi-weekly Dutch & Malay language paper, named ‘De Goentoer’ (The Thunder), edited by Javanese Insulinde member Darnakoesoemo, a close friend of IP leader Tjipto. To the great dismay of the authorities It still called for independence of the Dutch East Indies, “free of foreign tyranny” and defended the interests of indigenous and Indo people alike.
Contributors Darnakoesoemo and fellow Javanese Marco Kartodikromo aka Mas Marco, were considered “extremely dangerous” and were prosecuted for subversive activity by the authorities for which they served time. Mas Marco went to the Netherlands for 5 months after his sentence in 1916. In Holland he was surprised and impressed, as other indigenous exiles and student activists were before him, by the much greater levels of freedom of speech and political freedom granted there.
Once back in the Dutch East Indies his writing became even more “radical”, and he was sentenced to a relatively heavy prison term of two years. The ’’Insulinde’’ party founded a committee and fund to support Mas Marco, his family and other persecuted activists.
Insulinde & the ISDV
Dutch communist leader Henk Sneevliet co-founder of the ISDV, who had arrived in Java in 1913 initially believed ‘’Insulinde’‘ could be an effective vehicle to disseminate the socialist ideals and agenda in the colony. Some members of theISDV (predecessor of the Indonesian Communist Party) however felt that Insulinde was waging a “race struggle” rather than a “class struggle” and called E.F.E. Douwes Dekker, a “nationalist anarchist” rather than a “social democrat”.
In its political struggle Insulinde was allied to the Sarekat Islam and ISDV, organizing protest rallies and meetings attended by thousands. Cooperation with the ISDV was ended in 1917 on the grounds that Insulinde believed that the Dutch leadership of that party was trying to drive a wedge between the Indigenous and Indo people.
In the end both the authorities and public opinion considered the Marxist aims of the ISDV to uproot and transform world order, more dangerous and extreme than Insulinde’s aim for independence.RiseUnder the guidance of former IP leader Tjipto, who due to health reasons had returned early from exile, the party flourished. In 1917 Insulinde gained a large majority at the council elections of the colonial capital Batavia. In both Semarang and Ambon city Ambonese political activists joined the party. Insulinde was the first political organization obtaining a serious foothold in the Moluccas. By June 1919 Insulinde had a membership of 17,000 members and was well represented in theVolksraad (Dutch East Indies) were it maintained close ties with Budi Utomo and the Sarekat Islam.
Renamed NIP
With the return from exile of the other two former IP leaders Douwes Dekker and Soewardi Soerjaningrat the party decided to rekindle the IP’s nationalist flame and renamed itself the Nationale Indische Party (NIP), National Indies Party in 1919. Again the colonial authorities thwarted any possibility for the NIP to become a mass movement by arresting NIP leaders.
When NIP membership numbers dropped, many of its Indo-European members joined the 1919 established Indo European Alliance (IEV), founded by Douwes Dekker's former colleague, friend and associate Karel Zaalberg.
The National Indies Party (NIP) became a predecessor of Sukarno's Indonesian National Party (PNI).
Indo Europeesch Verbond est. 1919-1962
The Indo Europeesch Verbond (IEV) or Indo European Alliance was a social movement and political organisation founded in 1919 by the Indo-European (Eurasian) community of the Dutch East Indies that fought for race equality and political say in late colonial Indonesia during the early 20th century.
It was one of the first and largest European organisations in the Dutch East Indies that formulated a desire for an independent nation albeit in relation with a Dutch dominion and supported the Soetardjo Petition of 1936 that aimed for an independent status within a Dutch commonwealth.[1]
Its vision was to retain an important position for the Indo European (Eurasian) segment of Indonesian society after obtaining independence from the Netherlands.[2] Founding father of this organisation was Karel Zaalberg chief editor of one of the country's largest newspapers and close friend to famous contemporaries like P.A. Daum, E.du Perron and Ernest Douwes Dekker.
The IEV's main chairman and president (1929–1939) was Dick de Hoog.
Background
The Dutch East East Indies (1800–1949), nowadays known as Indonesia, was the largest colony in the Dutch Empire. The colonial hierarchy consisted of 2 legal classes: 1) the European class; 2) the Indigenous class. In 1920 a third class: Foreign Easterners (Dutch: id:Vreemde Oosterlingen was added The Eurasians known as Indos made up 70% of the European headcount.
The Dutch East Indies had a non egalitarian and patriarchal social and legal system. Indo children were for instance only registered as European if the European father decided to acknowledge his children with his indigenous partner. When this did not happen these Indo children would be assimilated into their mothers’ indigenous community. The colonial saying to describe this phenomenon was “The (Indo) child would disappear into the kampung (English: native village)”.
Within the official European legal class Indos could be found in all 3 social layers of European society. This European segment of society can be broadly divided into the following 3 social layers: 1) a small top layer of colonial and commercial leadership, including governors, directors, managers (ceo's), etc. Mostly consisting of expatriate Dutchmen; 2) a large middle class of mostly Indo civil servants; 3) lower income (to poor) layer solely consisting of Indo people that were legally European, but had a living standard close or similar to the indigenous masses.
Since 1870 none of these layers were allowed to own and work land and with the continued arrival of white Dutch expatriates, their social status in colonial times increasingly depended on their efforts to blend into the white upper class. Within the legal class of Europeans therefore there was clear social, cultural and mental distinction between the so called expatriate ‘Totok’ (full blooded) European and native ‘Indo’ (mixed) European
Prelude
The watershed moment initiating the political emancipation process of the Eurasian segment of colonial society occurred in the middle of the 19th century, when Indos massively protested the discriminatory provisions implemented with the introduction of the 'Cultivation System' (1830–1870). The turn of the century also saw continued and increasing pauperism among poor Indos increasingly dependent on charity, which created the mental specter of indivertible impoverishment.[8]
Moreover the reality of plural colonial society composed of two main social orders (the European and Indigenous communities), living side by side, yet without mingling into one political, economic or cultural unit, pushed the Indo-European in a fundamental position of insecurity. From the pre-colonial position of "middle men" the Indos in colonial history progressively became "marginal men". With the introduction of the ‘Ethical Policy' (1900–1930) Indos not only experienced the near impossible task of resisting pressure from the powerful Dutch authorities, but also from the rising numbers of the educated indigenous elite representing the massive majority of indigenous peoples.[9]
Inspired by Ernest Douwes Dekker‘s short-lived 'Indische Party' (1912–1913) and the establishment of an infant form of a Dutch East Indies parliament, called the People's Assembly (Dutch: Volksraad) in 1917, the IEV was founded by Karel Zaalberg in 1919
IEV History 1920's
From its’ conception in 1919 the IEV’s first aim was to establish unity among all 3 social layers of the Indo-European community, and was founded under the appropriate motto: ‘One for All, All for One’. To secure the interests of the majority of its’ middle class it clearly set out to also protect and uplift the most vulnerable bottom layer of Indo society.
The organisation started out as a social movement and only gradually entered the political arena. In 1924 it elaborated on its founding principles, by firstly stating an unfaltering trust in Dutch authority as a representation of both the achievements and the potential of Western civilisation and modernisation. Simultaneously it also stated the aspiration to make that same authority redundant and endeavored to move control of the colony back to the Dutch East Indies, envisioning a self sufficient and independent dominion.
With 10,000 members in 1922 and almost 15,000 members in 1929 it became the largest European political movement of the early 20th century and put independence for the colonial Dutch East Indies on the agenda. Meanwhile it also experimented with projects aimed to bring Indo Europeans from desk jobs to agriculture as well as to establish more opportunities for education by building schools.
IEV History 1930's
During the economic crisis of the 30's the organisation remained large however was not met with great enthousiasm by the colonial government. Democratic institutions in the colony were still infantile and the movement was kept on a string by the colonial government unable to sufficiently reach out to the rising indigenous Indonesian independence movement.
After the economic crisis of 1929 Indos were the first to truly comprehend the profound change initiated by the so called ‘Dutch Ethical Policy’ (1900–1930). The relatively limited but high quality educational opportunities that had been opened to indigenous peoples had produced a large and growing number of Western style educated indigenous people competing on the job market. Jobs that were traditionally occupied by Indos were more and more taken over by indigenous people. As Indos numbered only 0.3% of the 60 million native people inhabiting the Dutch East Indies they came under increasing threat of marginalisation. At the same time the educated indigenous elite was also developing an Indonesian nationalist political agenda.
During the early 30’s the IEV still mainly orientated itself on the colonial top layer of Dutch expatriates and settlers, striving for true equality between the Dutch ruling class and the Indo-Europeans and profiling themselves as exponents of Western modernity in the Dutch East Indies. For a while they even allied with the far political right i.e. ‘Vaderlandsche Club’ and lobbied for incentives to persuade Dutch expatriates to settle in the colony.
In the second half the 30’s the IEV already shifted its’ orientation towards the nationalist indigenous movements and now openly advocated restrictions to the arrival of Dutch expatriates. The IEV was blatantly critical of the Governor-General and supported the Soetardjo Petition calling for Indonesian independence in 1936. It also advocated an Indies citizenship for all natives and the removal of the ban on Indos to own land. Simultaneously the IEV also continued attempts to build a class of Indo farmers as the economic crisis of the 30’s left Indos bereft of a network for agricultural subsistence able to produce the basic supplies of sustenance. After more than 10 years of leading the IEV its' popular president Dick de Hoog passed away in 1939.
When in 1942 World War II hit the Dutch East Indies the Indo emancipation process was cut short and all political activity ended with the incarceration of the IEV leadership by the Japanese occupiers, while the indigenous independence movement accelerated into the Indonesian revolution.
IEV History 1940's
Political cartoon in Dutch magazine. Text reads: "Those about to die salute you." Due to earlier hesitation and the Japanese occupation during WWII the IEV had missed the attachment to the indigenous Independence movements and came into political disorientation. This ultimately contributed to the isolation of its' Indo European followers during the Indonesian National Revolution. Right after Japan's capitulation in 1945 IEV leaders started to reorganise and rebuild their organisation. Attempts were made to find common ground with Indonesian revolutionaries, but were overtaken by the chaotic violence of the Bersiap period when IEV forerunner Ploegman was one of the first of almost 20,000 Indos to be killed by Pemuda.
Disappointment in the inability of the Dutch government to provide security and civil order as well as its indifference towards the political and social position of Indos left the IEV bewildered. In 1946 sentiments of desperation were reflected in a cartoon in the Dutch main monthly magazine 'Elsevier' headed by the text: "Those about to die salute you." Frustrated with what was perceived as Dutch apathy, negative sentiments towards the Dutch government started to prevail and by 1947 the IEV was advocating Indonesian citizenship for Indos. In 1949 the Netherlands officially ceded control to an independent Indonesian Republic.
Final years
In 1951 the IEV only accepted members that had chosen Indonesian citizenship and changed its name to the Indonesian name: 'Gabungan Indo Untuk Kesatuan Indonesia' (GIKI). All signs of goodwill towards the Indonesian Republic however did not mitigate anti-Dutch regulations by the Republican government and anti-Indo sentiments in general. Throughout the decade all Dutch language institutions for Indos continued to be eliminated. All schools, orphanages and retirement homes for Indos were closed by 1951. Widespread discrimination in the job market made it impossible for most Indos to pursue meaningful careers, while simultaneously the existing social security benefits were terminated by the Republican government.[18]
To distract attention from faltering economic progress and strengthen the fragile unity of the young Republic, President Sukarno continued his strategy of anti-western politics indirectly stimulating anti-Indo polarization. With the traumatic memory of the Bersiap violence in mind most Indos that had originally chosen Indonesian citizenship revised their decision. Even IEV leaders that had previously advocated Indonesian citizenhsip now fled the country. By 1962 both the IEV and its constituency had practically disappeared from Indonesia
The Indo Europeesch Verbond (IEV) or Indo European Alliance was a social movement and political organisation founded in 1919 by the Indo-European (Eurasian) community of the Dutch East Indies that fought for race equality and political say in late colonial Indonesia during the early 20th century.
It was one of the first and largest European organisations in the Dutch East Indies that formulated a desire for an independent nation albeit in relation with a Dutch dominion and supported the Soetardjo Petition of 1936 that aimed for an independent status within a Dutch commonwealth.[1]
Its vision was to retain an important position for the Indo European (Eurasian) segment of Indonesian society after obtaining independence from the Netherlands.[2] Founding father of this organisation was Karel Zaalberg chief editor of one of the country's largest newspapers and close friend to famous contemporaries like P.A. Daum, E.du Perron and Ernest Douwes Dekker.
The IEV's main chairman and president (1929–1939) was Dick de Hoog.
Background
The Dutch East East Indies (1800–1949), nowadays known as Indonesia, was the largest colony in the Dutch Empire. The colonial hierarchy consisted of 2 legal classes: 1) the European class; 2) the Indigenous class. In 1920 a third class: Foreign Easterners (Dutch: id:Vreemde Oosterlingen was added The Eurasians known as Indos made up 70% of the European headcount.
The Dutch East Indies had a non egalitarian and patriarchal social and legal system. Indo children were for instance only registered as European if the European father decided to acknowledge his children with his indigenous partner. When this did not happen these Indo children would be assimilated into their mothers’ indigenous community. The colonial saying to describe this phenomenon was “The (Indo) child would disappear into the kampung (English: native village)”.
Within the official European legal class Indos could be found in all 3 social layers of European society. This European segment of society can be broadly divided into the following 3 social layers: 1) a small top layer of colonial and commercial leadership, including governors, directors, managers (ceo's), etc. Mostly consisting of expatriate Dutchmen; 2) a large middle class of mostly Indo civil servants; 3) lower income (to poor) layer solely consisting of Indo people that were legally European, but had a living standard close or similar to the indigenous masses.
Since 1870 none of these layers were allowed to own and work land and with the continued arrival of white Dutch expatriates, their social status in colonial times increasingly depended on their efforts to blend into the white upper class. Within the legal class of Europeans therefore there was clear social, cultural and mental distinction between the so called expatriate ‘Totok’ (full blooded) European and native ‘Indo’ (mixed) European
Prelude
The watershed moment initiating the political emancipation process of the Eurasian segment of colonial society occurred in the middle of the 19th century, when Indos massively protested the discriminatory provisions implemented with the introduction of the 'Cultivation System' (1830–1870). The turn of the century also saw continued and increasing pauperism among poor Indos increasingly dependent on charity, which created the mental specter of indivertible impoverishment.[8]
Moreover the reality of plural colonial society composed of two main social orders (the European and Indigenous communities), living side by side, yet without mingling into one political, economic or cultural unit, pushed the Indo-European in a fundamental position of insecurity. From the pre-colonial position of "middle men" the Indos in colonial history progressively became "marginal men". With the introduction of the ‘Ethical Policy' (1900–1930) Indos not only experienced the near impossible task of resisting pressure from the powerful Dutch authorities, but also from the rising numbers of the educated indigenous elite representing the massive majority of indigenous peoples.[9]
Inspired by Ernest Douwes Dekker‘s short-lived 'Indische Party' (1912–1913) and the establishment of an infant form of a Dutch East Indies parliament, called the People's Assembly (Dutch: Volksraad) in 1917, the IEV was founded by Karel Zaalberg in 1919
IEV History 1920's
From its’ conception in 1919 the IEV’s first aim was to establish unity among all 3 social layers of the Indo-European community, and was founded under the appropriate motto: ‘One for All, All for One’. To secure the interests of the majority of its’ middle class it clearly set out to also protect and uplift the most vulnerable bottom layer of Indo society.
The organisation started out as a social movement and only gradually entered the political arena. In 1924 it elaborated on its founding principles, by firstly stating an unfaltering trust in Dutch authority as a representation of both the achievements and the potential of Western civilisation and modernisation. Simultaneously it also stated the aspiration to make that same authority redundant and endeavored to move control of the colony back to the Dutch East Indies, envisioning a self sufficient and independent dominion.
With 10,000 members in 1922 and almost 15,000 members in 1929 it became the largest European political movement of the early 20th century and put independence for the colonial Dutch East Indies on the agenda. Meanwhile it also experimented with projects aimed to bring Indo Europeans from desk jobs to agriculture as well as to establish more opportunities for education by building schools.
IEV History 1930's
During the economic crisis of the 30's the organisation remained large however was not met with great enthousiasm by the colonial government. Democratic institutions in the colony were still infantile and the movement was kept on a string by the colonial government unable to sufficiently reach out to the rising indigenous Indonesian independence movement.
After the economic crisis of 1929 Indos were the first to truly comprehend the profound change initiated by the so called ‘Dutch Ethical Policy’ (1900–1930). The relatively limited but high quality educational opportunities that had been opened to indigenous peoples had produced a large and growing number of Western style educated indigenous people competing on the job market. Jobs that were traditionally occupied by Indos were more and more taken over by indigenous people. As Indos numbered only 0.3% of the 60 million native people inhabiting the Dutch East Indies they came under increasing threat of marginalisation. At the same time the educated indigenous elite was also developing an Indonesian nationalist political agenda.
During the early 30’s the IEV still mainly orientated itself on the colonial top layer of Dutch expatriates and settlers, striving for true equality between the Dutch ruling class and the Indo-Europeans and profiling themselves as exponents of Western modernity in the Dutch East Indies. For a while they even allied with the far political right i.e. ‘Vaderlandsche Club’ and lobbied for incentives to persuade Dutch expatriates to settle in the colony.
In the second half the 30’s the IEV already shifted its’ orientation towards the nationalist indigenous movements and now openly advocated restrictions to the arrival of Dutch expatriates. The IEV was blatantly critical of the Governor-General and supported the Soetardjo Petition calling for Indonesian independence in 1936. It also advocated an Indies citizenship for all natives and the removal of the ban on Indos to own land. Simultaneously the IEV also continued attempts to build a class of Indo farmers as the economic crisis of the 30’s left Indos bereft of a network for agricultural subsistence able to produce the basic supplies of sustenance. After more than 10 years of leading the IEV its' popular president Dick de Hoog passed away in 1939.
When in 1942 World War II hit the Dutch East Indies the Indo emancipation process was cut short and all political activity ended with the incarceration of the IEV leadership by the Japanese occupiers, while the indigenous independence movement accelerated into the Indonesian revolution.
IEV History 1940's
Political cartoon in Dutch magazine. Text reads: "Those about to die salute you." Due to earlier hesitation and the Japanese occupation during WWII the IEV had missed the attachment to the indigenous Independence movements and came into political disorientation. This ultimately contributed to the isolation of its' Indo European followers during the Indonesian National Revolution. Right after Japan's capitulation in 1945 IEV leaders started to reorganise and rebuild their organisation. Attempts were made to find common ground with Indonesian revolutionaries, but were overtaken by the chaotic violence of the Bersiap period when IEV forerunner Ploegman was one of the first of almost 20,000 Indos to be killed by Pemuda.
Disappointment in the inability of the Dutch government to provide security and civil order as well as its indifference towards the political and social position of Indos left the IEV bewildered. In 1946 sentiments of desperation were reflected in a cartoon in the Dutch main monthly magazine 'Elsevier' headed by the text: "Those about to die salute you." Frustrated with what was perceived as Dutch apathy, negative sentiments towards the Dutch government started to prevail and by 1947 the IEV was advocating Indonesian citizenship for Indos. In 1949 the Netherlands officially ceded control to an independent Indonesian Republic.
Final years
In 1951 the IEV only accepted members that had chosen Indonesian citizenship and changed its name to the Indonesian name: 'Gabungan Indo Untuk Kesatuan Indonesia' (GIKI). All signs of goodwill towards the Indonesian Republic however did not mitigate anti-Dutch regulations by the Republican government and anti-Indo sentiments in general. Throughout the decade all Dutch language institutions for Indos continued to be eliminated. All schools, orphanages and retirement homes for Indos were closed by 1951. Widespread discrimination in the job market made it impossible for most Indos to pursue meaningful careers, while simultaneously the existing social security benefits were terminated by the Republican government.[18]
To distract attention from faltering economic progress and strengthen the fragile unity of the young Republic, President Sukarno continued his strategy of anti-western politics indirectly stimulating anti-Indo polarization. With the traumatic memory of the Bersiap violence in mind most Indos that had originally chosen Indonesian citizenship revised their decision. Even IEV leaders that had previously advocated Indonesian citizenhsip now fled the country. By 1962 both the IEV and its constituency had practically disappeared from Indonesia
Bersiap (1945-1946)
Revolutionary irregular fighting forces named Pemuda or Pelopor.
Bersiap is the name given by the Indos to a particularly violent and chaotic phase of Indonesia's revolutionary period following the end of World War II. The Indonesian word bersiap means 'get ready' or 'get prepared'. The word 'Siap' was shouted and whispered by revolutionary pemuda forces whenever pro-Dutch people, either military or civilian, entered pro-republican areas and neighbourhoods on Java.
The Bersiap period lasted from August 1945 to December 1946.
It is a specific period starting with revolutionary violence occurring during the increasing power vacuum left by the retreating Japanese occupational forces and the gradual build up of a British military presence, but before the official handover to a Dutch military presence.
The period ends with the departure of the British military in 1946, by which time the Dutch had rebuild their military capacity. Meanwhile also the Indonesian revolutionary fighters were well into the process of forming a formal military structure
Term
This particular phase of the Indonesian revolution is termed Bersiap by Dutch Indo (Eurasian) survivors of the period and is used in both Dutch and English language academic works. The term is derived from the Indonesian battle cry and perpetual call to arms: “Siap!” – “Get Ready!” shouted when potential (real or perceived) enemies of the revolution were entering pro-republican areas.
Phases
As off the unilateral declaration of Indonesia's independence in August 1945 young Indonesian revolutionary fighters (Indonesian: Pemuda[2]) violently opposed both the Japanese and British armies. They also opposed European civilians returning from their imprisonment by the Japanese, as well as all perceived pro-Dutch populations, which include the Indo-European (Eurasian) and Indo Chinese populations.
Several phases are distinguished during the Bersiap period, each with different levels of violence and chaos. October–November 1945 is considered the most aggressive one with the Battle of Surabaya as its heaviest single battle.
The Bersiap can be roughly divided into four phases and is mostly situated on the island of Java.
Phase 1
The first phase started immediately after the unilateral declaration of Indonesian independence and before the arrival of the British armed forces. Even though the declaration was made under strong arm pressure of the so called 'Pemuda', this short phase was the least violent one of the Bersiap. The Japanese were either supportive or indifferent to the Indonesian independence movement, but were under clear orders to remain neutral and protect the former European inmates in their concentration camps. Indonesian independence leaders were taking over key positions from the Japanese. The trains were still riding and some of the former Dutch and Indo prisoners were out looking for their families and property.
Phase 2
In the second phase of the Bersiap (15 Sep – 14 Oct 1945) de-centralised local Pemuda groups started to organise and obtain weapons. The first Japanese soldiers were molested and the attitude against Dutch and Indo civilians became hostile. Indonesian propaganda also became aggressive. Fights between young Pemuda and young Indos start, resulting in a food boycot of Indos (October 5), which in turn resulted into more violent fights. In October razzias commence and Indo males were arrested and killed.[4] Atrocities committed by revolutionary forces against Indo-Europeans begin.[5] By the end of September the first British (Indian) troops started to arrive. The British tried to remain neutral and seek cooperation with the Republican leadership. Also the Japanese military tried not to get involved and only reacted when provoked.
Phase 3
The third phase (middle of October to the end of November 1945) is considered the most violent one. In Bandung [6] and Semarang[7] Japanese forces intervene to regain control. In Surabaya and Malang Indonesian forces are able to disarm the Japanese military. European and Indo-European men and boys are locked up, soon followed by the women and girls.[8] Travel for the perceived anti-revolutionary population (Christian Indonesian, Chinese Indonesian, European and Indo-European people) becomes impossible. The British armed forces try to obtain control, but encounter heavy resistance particularly in the middle of Java.[9] Surabaya is the scene of bitter fighting.[10]
Phase 4
The fourth phase (December 1945 to December 1946) is considered the aftermath of the heaviest Bersiap fighting. Although in Batavia[11], Bandung [12] and throughout Java regular violence continues up to march 1946.[13]. Indonesian commanders put much effort in organising the many irregular fighting units and consolidate their forces on Java.[14] Heavy pressure from the British compels the Dutch politicians to commence negotiations with the Republican leadership.[15]
Indonesian forces start evacuating the Japanese military forces and European and Indo-European civilian prisoners. March 1946 regular Dutch troops start entering the country. July 1946 the Japanese Army was finally evacuated and the British troops were all withdrawn by the end of the year, leaving the Dutch military in charge and de facto ending the Bersiap period. The country was now divided into Republican and Dutch controlled areas. The violence and warfare continued, but now between 2 clear parties the Dutch and Indonesian armies.
Post Bersiap period
Because the Indonesian military leadership is able to control and organise the militant revolutionary forces, the Indonesian political leadership retain overall authority and political leverage in the international arena. The civilian evacuation of Europeans and Indo-Europeans continues until the middle of the next year (May 1947) and renewed hostility and warfare during the continued struggle for Indonesian independence lasts until under heavy political pressure of the US and UN the Dutch formally recognise the young state 3 years after the Bersiap (December 1949).
The Bersiap period lasted from August 1945 to December 1946.
It is a specific period starting with revolutionary violence occurring during the increasing power vacuum left by the retreating Japanese occupational forces and the gradual build up of a British military presence, but before the official handover to a Dutch military presence.
The period ends with the departure of the British military in 1946, by which time the Dutch had rebuild their military capacity. Meanwhile also the Indonesian revolutionary fighters were well into the process of forming a formal military structure
Term
This particular phase of the Indonesian revolution is termed Bersiap by Dutch Indo (Eurasian) survivors of the period and is used in both Dutch and English language academic works. The term is derived from the Indonesian battle cry and perpetual call to arms: “Siap!” – “Get Ready!” shouted when potential (real or perceived) enemies of the revolution were entering pro-republican areas.
Phases
As off the unilateral declaration of Indonesia's independence in August 1945 young Indonesian revolutionary fighters (Indonesian: Pemuda[2]) violently opposed both the Japanese and British armies. They also opposed European civilians returning from their imprisonment by the Japanese, as well as all perceived pro-Dutch populations, which include the Indo-European (Eurasian) and Indo Chinese populations.
Several phases are distinguished during the Bersiap period, each with different levels of violence and chaos. October–November 1945 is considered the most aggressive one with the Battle of Surabaya as its heaviest single battle.
The Bersiap can be roughly divided into four phases and is mostly situated on the island of Java.
Phase 1
The first phase started immediately after the unilateral declaration of Indonesian independence and before the arrival of the British armed forces. Even though the declaration was made under strong arm pressure of the so called 'Pemuda', this short phase was the least violent one of the Bersiap. The Japanese were either supportive or indifferent to the Indonesian independence movement, but were under clear orders to remain neutral and protect the former European inmates in their concentration camps. Indonesian independence leaders were taking over key positions from the Japanese. The trains were still riding and some of the former Dutch and Indo prisoners were out looking for their families and property.
Phase 2
In the second phase of the Bersiap (15 Sep – 14 Oct 1945) de-centralised local Pemuda groups started to organise and obtain weapons. The first Japanese soldiers were molested and the attitude against Dutch and Indo civilians became hostile. Indonesian propaganda also became aggressive. Fights between young Pemuda and young Indos start, resulting in a food boycot of Indos (October 5), which in turn resulted into more violent fights. In October razzias commence and Indo males were arrested and killed.[4] Atrocities committed by revolutionary forces against Indo-Europeans begin.[5] By the end of September the first British (Indian) troops started to arrive. The British tried to remain neutral and seek cooperation with the Republican leadership. Also the Japanese military tried not to get involved and only reacted when provoked.
Phase 3
The third phase (middle of October to the end of November 1945) is considered the most violent one. In Bandung [6] and Semarang[7] Japanese forces intervene to regain control. In Surabaya and Malang Indonesian forces are able to disarm the Japanese military. European and Indo-European men and boys are locked up, soon followed by the women and girls.[8] Travel for the perceived anti-revolutionary population (Christian Indonesian, Chinese Indonesian, European and Indo-European people) becomes impossible. The British armed forces try to obtain control, but encounter heavy resistance particularly in the middle of Java.[9] Surabaya is the scene of bitter fighting.[10]
Phase 4
The fourth phase (December 1945 to December 1946) is considered the aftermath of the heaviest Bersiap fighting. Although in Batavia[11], Bandung [12] and throughout Java regular violence continues up to march 1946.[13]. Indonesian commanders put much effort in organising the many irregular fighting units and consolidate their forces on Java.[14] Heavy pressure from the British compels the Dutch politicians to commence negotiations with the Republican leadership.[15]
Indonesian forces start evacuating the Japanese military forces and European and Indo-European civilian prisoners. March 1946 regular Dutch troops start entering the country. July 1946 the Japanese Army was finally evacuated and the British troops were all withdrawn by the end of the year, leaving the Dutch military in charge and de facto ending the Bersiap period. The country was now divided into Republican and Dutch controlled areas. The violence and warfare continued, but now between 2 clear parties the Dutch and Indonesian armies.
Post Bersiap period
Because the Indonesian military leadership is able to control and organise the militant revolutionary forces, the Indonesian political leadership retain overall authority and political leverage in the international arena. The civilian evacuation of Europeans and Indo-Europeans continues until the middle of the next year (May 1947) and renewed hostility and warfare during the continued struggle for Indonesian independence lasts until under heavy political pressure of the US and UN the Dutch formally recognise the young state 3 years after the Bersiap (December 1949).
Massacres
Bung Tomo, war hero or war monger.
Propaganda
One of the catalysts driving the atrocities committed by Indonesian Pemuda against the native Indo-European civilian population was the inciteful Republican propaganda.[16] The Republican military declaration of total war (14 October 1945) states: "When the sun sets, we the Indonesian people are in war with the Dutch." The declaration then continues with clearly targeting civilian groups: "With this declaration we order all Indonesians to find their own enemy – Dutch, Indo or Ambonese." [17] In his speeches the radical revolutionary leader Sutomo specifically aims at the Indo population, verbally reducing them to bloodhounds.
"Torture them to death, destroy those bloodhounds of colonialism to the root. […] The immortal spirits of your ancestors demand of you: revenge, bloody revenge!" , Sutomo [18].
Soon in the streets of Batavia the walls showed explicit slogans: "Death to the Ambonese and Indos!" [19] Leaders such as Sukarno and Sjahrir attempted to call for calm, and even groomed the Indo population to join the revolution, but were unable to prevent the atrocities. The small town of Depok, pre-dominantly occupied by native Christian (indigenous and Indo) people, was one of the first places to be destroyed. Many of its inhabitants were tortured and killed by the Pemuda.
The ferocious mix of social revolution, xenophobia, opportunistic crime and feral populism that resulted in the Bersiap atrocities surprised and horrified not only the British commanders, but also moderate Indonesian leaders. In reflection the Islamicist leader Abu Hanifah who later became minister of education and ambassador admitted: “The Indonesian revolution was not totally pure.” But while western-educated Indonesian leaders were deeply shaken by what they witnessed, many Indonesian accounts of the time considered the violence inevitable, and even morally neutral.
One of the catalysts driving the atrocities committed by Indonesian Pemuda against the native Indo-European civilian population was the inciteful Republican propaganda.[16] The Republican military declaration of total war (14 October 1945) states: "When the sun sets, we the Indonesian people are in war with the Dutch." The declaration then continues with clearly targeting civilian groups: "With this declaration we order all Indonesians to find their own enemy – Dutch, Indo or Ambonese." [17] In his speeches the radical revolutionary leader Sutomo specifically aims at the Indo population, verbally reducing them to bloodhounds.
"Torture them to death, destroy those bloodhounds of colonialism to the root. […] The immortal spirits of your ancestors demand of you: revenge, bloody revenge!" , Sutomo [18].
Soon in the streets of Batavia the walls showed explicit slogans: "Death to the Ambonese and Indos!" [19] Leaders such as Sukarno and Sjahrir attempted to call for calm, and even groomed the Indo population to join the revolution, but were unable to prevent the atrocities. The small town of Depok, pre-dominantly occupied by native Christian (indigenous and Indo) people, was one of the first places to be destroyed. Many of its inhabitants were tortured and killed by the Pemuda.
The ferocious mix of social revolution, xenophobia, opportunistic crime and feral populism that resulted in the Bersiap atrocities surprised and horrified not only the British commanders, but also moderate Indonesian leaders. In reflection the Islamicist leader Abu Hanifah who later became minister of education and ambassador admitted: “The Indonesian revolution was not totally pure.” But while western-educated Indonesian leaders were deeply shaken by what they witnessed, many Indonesian accounts of the time considered the violence inevitable, and even morally neutral.
Sjahrirs quick response to the Bersiap atrocities was a political pamphlet named: Our Struggle
"Our Struggle" was a pamphlet written late October 1945 by Indonesian independence leader Soetan Sjahrir. It was pivotal in redirecting the Indonesian national revolution.
In his pamphlet Sjahrir addressed all crucial spearheads of the still ongoing revolutionary struggle for Indonesia’s independence. His target audiences are firstly and primarily the Indonesian masses and their leaders involved in the revolution, secondly public opinion in the colonial metropolis of the Netherlands, home of the adversary and thirdly international public opinion. The Dutch language editions of 1946 contain opening words by Perhimpoenan Indonesia and were used to sway Dutch public opinion during the Linggadjati negotiations. Its English translation was distributed at Westminster Hall to the British delegates to the United Nations.
Sjahrir's writings successfully countered the myth that the Indonesian republic was the brainchild of the fascist imperial Japanese forces and not a deep national desire. The pamphlet's content consists of a level headed analysis of the early situation of the revolution and clear recommendations for its successful continuation. Sjahrir warns against the negative effect the extreme violence has on the goodwill of international public opinion. Sjahrir clarifies the intense impact Japanese indoctrination has had on the Indonesian people, especially the youth (Indonesian: Pemuda). To deflect the ever growing hatred of the Japanese by the Indonesian people, the Japanese propaganda singled out ethnic target groups for persecution: westerners, Chinese Indonesians, Indo people (Eurasians), Menadonese people and Ambonese people. By the end of the Japanese occupation practices such as mandatory forced labour (Japanese: Romusha), that on average killed 80% of the Indonesian coolies, caused Indonesias rural and urban communities to become impoverished, dislocated, in uproar and disarray. Sjahrir explains Indonesians will never accept any form of colonisation ever again.
Quotes:
"Our strength must exist in cultivating feelings of justice and humanity. Only a nationalism that is founded in these feelings will take us further in world history."
“A national revolution is only the result of a democratic revolution, and nationalism should be second to democracy. The State of Indonesia is only a name we give to the essence we intend and aim for.”
"From the start the world had been sympathetic towards our national struggle. Public opinion [...] was on our side, however recent developments show our peoples disarray and can’t be accepted as features of our struggle for freedom, [..] distrust, features of fascist cruelty [...] particularly the murder and cruelty aimed at Indos, Ambonese, and Menadonese who in any case still are our fellow countrymen."
"This hatred towards Indos, Ambonese, Menadonese can only be explained as a lack of national consciousness among the masses of our people."
"Until now we have not taken the satisfactory political position towards these groups (Indo-Europeans, Indo-Asians, Ambonese, Menadonese and others). In fact things have happened that are plain wrong (and must be condemned) and detrimental to our revolution."
"Hatred against minorities and foreigners are a hidden factor in any nationalist struggle..., but a nationalist movement that lets itself be carried away by xenophobia will in the end find the whole world against itself. The nationalist movement ... will demise in self-destruction."
After writing this pamphlet Sjahrir joined Soekarno and Hatta, the president and vice-president of the unilaterally declared republic of Indonesia as their first prime-minister. While Soekarno and Hatta were accused of having collaborated with the Axis forces and being puppets of the Japanese military, Sjahrir’s reputation as anti-fascist and resistance leader enabled him to engage in the original negotiations with the returning Dutch colonial administration as well as the later Linggadjati negotiations.
"Perhaps the high point of his career was the publication of his pamphlet 'Our Struggle'. Whoever reads that pamphlet today can scarcely comprehend what it demanded in insight and courage. For it appeared at a moment when the Indonesian masses, brought to the boiling point by the Japanese occupation and civil war, sought release in racist and other hysterical outbursts. Sjahrir's pamphlet went directly against this, and many must have felt his call for chivalry, for the understanding of other ethnic groups, as a personal attack." Sol Tas.
"Our Struggle" was a pamphlet written late October 1945 by Indonesian independence leader Soetan Sjahrir. It was pivotal in redirecting the Indonesian national revolution.
In his pamphlet Sjahrir addressed all crucial spearheads of the still ongoing revolutionary struggle for Indonesia’s independence. His target audiences are firstly and primarily the Indonesian masses and their leaders involved in the revolution, secondly public opinion in the colonial metropolis of the Netherlands, home of the adversary and thirdly international public opinion. The Dutch language editions of 1946 contain opening words by Perhimpoenan Indonesia and were used to sway Dutch public opinion during the Linggadjati negotiations. Its English translation was distributed at Westminster Hall to the British delegates to the United Nations.
Sjahrir's writings successfully countered the myth that the Indonesian republic was the brainchild of the fascist imperial Japanese forces and not a deep national desire. The pamphlet's content consists of a level headed analysis of the early situation of the revolution and clear recommendations for its successful continuation. Sjahrir warns against the negative effect the extreme violence has on the goodwill of international public opinion. Sjahrir clarifies the intense impact Japanese indoctrination has had on the Indonesian people, especially the youth (Indonesian: Pemuda). To deflect the ever growing hatred of the Japanese by the Indonesian people, the Japanese propaganda singled out ethnic target groups for persecution: westerners, Chinese Indonesians, Indo people (Eurasians), Menadonese people and Ambonese people. By the end of the Japanese occupation practices such as mandatory forced labour (Japanese: Romusha), that on average killed 80% of the Indonesian coolies, caused Indonesias rural and urban communities to become impoverished, dislocated, in uproar and disarray. Sjahrir explains Indonesians will never accept any form of colonisation ever again.
Quotes:
"Our strength must exist in cultivating feelings of justice and humanity. Only a nationalism that is founded in these feelings will take us further in world history."
“A national revolution is only the result of a democratic revolution, and nationalism should be second to democracy. The State of Indonesia is only a name we give to the essence we intend and aim for.”
"From the start the world had been sympathetic towards our national struggle. Public opinion [...] was on our side, however recent developments show our peoples disarray and can’t be accepted as features of our struggle for freedom, [..] distrust, features of fascist cruelty [...] particularly the murder and cruelty aimed at Indos, Ambonese, and Menadonese who in any case still are our fellow countrymen."
"This hatred towards Indos, Ambonese, Menadonese can only be explained as a lack of national consciousness among the masses of our people."
"Until now we have not taken the satisfactory political position towards these groups (Indo-Europeans, Indo-Asians, Ambonese, Menadonese and others). In fact things have happened that are plain wrong (and must be condemned) and detrimental to our revolution."
"Hatred against minorities and foreigners are a hidden factor in any nationalist struggle..., but a nationalist movement that lets itself be carried away by xenophobia will in the end find the whole world against itself. The nationalist movement ... will demise in self-destruction."
After writing this pamphlet Sjahrir joined Soekarno and Hatta, the president and vice-president of the unilaterally declared republic of Indonesia as their first prime-minister. While Soekarno and Hatta were accused of having collaborated with the Axis forces and being puppets of the Japanese military, Sjahrir’s reputation as anti-fascist and resistance leader enabled him to engage in the original negotiations with the returning Dutch colonial administration as well as the later Linggadjati negotiations.
"Perhaps the high point of his career was the publication of his pamphlet 'Our Struggle'. Whoever reads that pamphlet today can scarcely comprehend what it demanded in insight and courage. For it appeared at a moment when the Indonesian masses, brought to the boiling point by the Japanese occupation and civil war, sought release in racist and other hysterical outbursts. Sjahrir's pamphlet went directly against this, and many must have felt his call for chivalry, for the understanding of other ethnic groups, as a personal attack." Sol Tas.
Guerrilla warfare effects on the Revolutionaries.
General Nasutions reflections on: Republican military strategy
At first republican propaganda such as radio speeches and mass rallys were the main tools to influence and mobilise the revolutionary masses. Indonesian military leadership was yet to establish a military agenda and had little control over the many autonomous revolutionary forces. During the Bersiap Indonesian leaders such as generals Sudirman and Nasution began to hastily build a formal military structure and develop an Indonesian military strategy. In his book about the founding doctrines of Indonesia's Army general Nasution, who became Indonesia's formost military intelectual, reflects on this strategy and highlights the long term negative psychological and social impact on Indonesian fighters involved in the Bersiap as follows:[20]
“Guerrilla war is indeed destructive in nature, not only materially because it uses sabotage and scorched earth, but also what is more, it causes psychological, political and social damage. A guerrilla fighter is bred on a spirit of destruction and is not easily repatriated into the community as an ordinary citizen. The spirit of revolution, of guerrilla warfare and of scorched earth is aimed at destroying the whole existing religious, legal, socio-economic order which forms the organisation of the dominating power. How can the guerrilla accept again a legal, political and socio-economic situation since to him it has the taint of the old system? Many nations and countries continue to be chaotic years and decades after a guerrilla war overturns and rubs out the ethical, legal standards which are normally found in a society. Burning, sabotage, killing and kidnapping at the expense of the enemy have a heroic value. To have participated in guerrilla activities makes it difficult for one to adapt oneself to an ordered society, a society based on law.” Abdul Haris Nasution in 'Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare', 1953.
Casualties
The death toll of the Bersiap period runs into the tens of thousands. The bodies of 3,600 Indo-Europeans have been identified as killed. However more than 20,000 registered Indo-European civilians were abducted and never returned. The Indonesian revolutionaries lost at least 20,000, often young, fighting men. The Japanese forces lost around 1,000 soldiers and the British forces registered 660 soldiers, mostly British Indians, as killed (with a similar number missing in action).[21] The actual Dutch military were hardly involved [22], as they only started to return to Indonesia in March and April 1946. The War Cemetry Foundation counts over 24,000 victims buried in the original 22 fields of honour, this number however includes soldiers killed in later action.
Research
The particularly contentious ''Bersiap'' period is remembered in different ways depending on which perspective is taken. By Indonesians it is remembered as a heroic revolutionary experience. By the Japanese as well as the British this period is remembered as a bitter post WW experience. By the Dutch it is remembered as a frustrating, unexpected and at that time incomprehensible shift in paradigm. For the native born Indo-Europeans (Eurasians) it was a traumatic experience that diminished goodwill towards the Indonesian revolution.
Few Dutch or Indonesian historians have done holistic studies about this specific phenomenon of the Indonesian national revolution. Dutch historians mostly focus on particular locations and incidents and Indonesian historians mostly focus on the heroic aspects of the revolution. Witness reports from Indo (Eurasian) people mostly focus on the atrocities experienced. Japanese historians show very little interest all together in this part of the World War II aftermath. The most holistic studies encompassing all these elements have in fact been performed by American and English historians.[23]
Consequently in Japanese, but also Indonesian history books the dark side of this period is ommitted. During the 2004 NIOD international academic conference about the period Indonesian historian Bambang Purwanto has stated that he can not deny atrocities towards unarmed civilians had been commited by Indonesian revolutionaries, but that on this topic the slightest effort to take an objective perspective on Indonesian history writing is considered un-nationalistic. Ref.:Bambang Purwanto is one of the foremost historians in Indonesia. But due to his efforts to take an objective perspective towards, what in Indonesia is called, the 'Time of Chaos', he was called 'un-Indonesian'. Online: Critical review NIOD conference about the Bersiap by Peter Schumacher.
See also
“The killing of Dutch and Eurasians in Indonesia's national revolution (1945–49): a ‘brief genocide’ reconsidered, William H. Frederick, Journal of genocide Research, Volume 14, Issue 3-4, 2012, pp.359-380.[ Click this Link: www.]
Abstract:
In the histories of decolonizations after World War II, the targeting of European and, particularly, mixed-blood populations by indigenous peoples has been neglected or avoided altogether. A case in point is Indonesia's struggle for independence from Dutch rule (1945–49). In a rare treatment of this topic, Robert Cribb recently described the killings of Dutch and Eurasians in the last months of 1945 as constituting a genocide, albeit a ‘brief’ one, the first time that term had been used with reference to what Dutch sources spoke of as the bersiaptijd (loosely, a time of danger) and Indonesian sources rarely mentioned at all. Cribb's approach generalized broadly about the killings. It concentrated instead on offering a general explanation, which he found not in colonial policy or Indonesian nationalism but, on the whole, in a ‘constructed’ racial tension and an explosive, bottom-up mobism. Detailed information from East Java's experience, however, suggests rather different and far more complex causes, among them various effects of both Dutch and Japanese colonial rule, and racial tensions inherent in Indonesian nationalism. The East Javanese case highlights the extended and often extreme nature of the violence against Dutch and Eurasians, and emphasizes that it must also be seen in the complicating context of violence against Chinese and other Indonesians (not covered here in extenso). A reconsideration of Cribb's treatment suggests that use of the term ‘genocide’ for the killing of Dutch and Eurasians in revolutionary Indonesia may not be thought warranted from a ‘scientific’ or legal perspective, and that efforts to encompass this sort of decolonization violence with terms such as ‘subaltern genocide’ are still fraught with difficulties. Still, ‘genocide’ used in a generic, common-sense fashion draws attention to a hidden episode of horrific violence, and further study may be of use to scholars of decolonization and genocide in general, as well as Indonesia specialists and Indonesians themselves.
Commemoration
In 1988 a national 'Indies Monument' was erected to commemorate the victims of both the Japanese occupation and Indonesian National Revolution in The Hague, Netherlands. There are 8 more Fields of Honour in Indonesia that commemorate the loss of life during the Bersiap and the following police actions.
Notes and citations
Bayly, Christopher Harper, Tim ‘’Forgotten Wars, Freedom and revolution in Southeast Asia’’ (Publisher: Harvard University Press, 2006) ISBN 9780674021532
General Nasutions reflections on: Republican military strategy
At first republican propaganda such as radio speeches and mass rallys were the main tools to influence and mobilise the revolutionary masses. Indonesian military leadership was yet to establish a military agenda and had little control over the many autonomous revolutionary forces. During the Bersiap Indonesian leaders such as generals Sudirman and Nasution began to hastily build a formal military structure and develop an Indonesian military strategy. In his book about the founding doctrines of Indonesia's Army general Nasution, who became Indonesia's formost military intelectual, reflects on this strategy and highlights the long term negative psychological and social impact on Indonesian fighters involved in the Bersiap as follows:[20]
“Guerrilla war is indeed destructive in nature, not only materially because it uses sabotage and scorched earth, but also what is more, it causes psychological, political and social damage. A guerrilla fighter is bred on a spirit of destruction and is not easily repatriated into the community as an ordinary citizen. The spirit of revolution, of guerrilla warfare and of scorched earth is aimed at destroying the whole existing religious, legal, socio-economic order which forms the organisation of the dominating power. How can the guerrilla accept again a legal, political and socio-economic situation since to him it has the taint of the old system? Many nations and countries continue to be chaotic years and decades after a guerrilla war overturns and rubs out the ethical, legal standards which are normally found in a society. Burning, sabotage, killing and kidnapping at the expense of the enemy have a heroic value. To have participated in guerrilla activities makes it difficult for one to adapt oneself to an ordered society, a society based on law.” Abdul Haris Nasution in 'Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare', 1953.
Casualties
The death toll of the Bersiap period runs into the tens of thousands. The bodies of 3,600 Indo-Europeans have been identified as killed. However more than 20,000 registered Indo-European civilians were abducted and never returned. The Indonesian revolutionaries lost at least 20,000, often young, fighting men. The Japanese forces lost around 1,000 soldiers and the British forces registered 660 soldiers, mostly British Indians, as killed (with a similar number missing in action).[21] The actual Dutch military were hardly involved [22], as they only started to return to Indonesia in March and April 1946. The War Cemetry Foundation counts over 24,000 victims buried in the original 22 fields of honour, this number however includes soldiers killed in later action.
Research
The particularly contentious ''Bersiap'' period is remembered in different ways depending on which perspective is taken. By Indonesians it is remembered as a heroic revolutionary experience. By the Japanese as well as the British this period is remembered as a bitter post WW experience. By the Dutch it is remembered as a frustrating, unexpected and at that time incomprehensible shift in paradigm. For the native born Indo-Europeans (Eurasians) it was a traumatic experience that diminished goodwill towards the Indonesian revolution.
Few Dutch or Indonesian historians have done holistic studies about this specific phenomenon of the Indonesian national revolution. Dutch historians mostly focus on particular locations and incidents and Indonesian historians mostly focus on the heroic aspects of the revolution. Witness reports from Indo (Eurasian) people mostly focus on the atrocities experienced. Japanese historians show very little interest all together in this part of the World War II aftermath. The most holistic studies encompassing all these elements have in fact been performed by American and English historians.[23]
Consequently in Japanese, but also Indonesian history books the dark side of this period is ommitted. During the 2004 NIOD international academic conference about the period Indonesian historian Bambang Purwanto has stated that he can not deny atrocities towards unarmed civilians had been commited by Indonesian revolutionaries, but that on this topic the slightest effort to take an objective perspective on Indonesian history writing is considered un-nationalistic. Ref.:Bambang Purwanto is one of the foremost historians in Indonesia. But due to his efforts to take an objective perspective towards, what in Indonesia is called, the 'Time of Chaos', he was called 'un-Indonesian'. Online: Critical review NIOD conference about the Bersiap by Peter Schumacher.
See also
“The killing of Dutch and Eurasians in Indonesia's national revolution (1945–49): a ‘brief genocide’ reconsidered, William H. Frederick, Journal of genocide Research, Volume 14, Issue 3-4, 2012, pp.359-380.[ Click this Link: www.]
Abstract:
In the histories of decolonizations after World War II, the targeting of European and, particularly, mixed-blood populations by indigenous peoples has been neglected or avoided altogether. A case in point is Indonesia's struggle for independence from Dutch rule (1945–49). In a rare treatment of this topic, Robert Cribb recently described the killings of Dutch and Eurasians in the last months of 1945 as constituting a genocide, albeit a ‘brief’ one, the first time that term had been used with reference to what Dutch sources spoke of as the bersiaptijd (loosely, a time of danger) and Indonesian sources rarely mentioned at all. Cribb's approach generalized broadly about the killings. It concentrated instead on offering a general explanation, which he found not in colonial policy or Indonesian nationalism but, on the whole, in a ‘constructed’ racial tension and an explosive, bottom-up mobism. Detailed information from East Java's experience, however, suggests rather different and far more complex causes, among them various effects of both Dutch and Japanese colonial rule, and racial tensions inherent in Indonesian nationalism. The East Javanese case highlights the extended and often extreme nature of the violence against Dutch and Eurasians, and emphasizes that it must also be seen in the complicating context of violence against Chinese and other Indonesians (not covered here in extenso). A reconsideration of Cribb's treatment suggests that use of the term ‘genocide’ for the killing of Dutch and Eurasians in revolutionary Indonesia may not be thought warranted from a ‘scientific’ or legal perspective, and that efforts to encompass this sort of decolonization violence with terms such as ‘subaltern genocide’ are still fraught with difficulties. Still, ‘genocide’ used in a generic, common-sense fashion draws attention to a hidden episode of horrific violence, and further study may be of use to scholars of decolonization and genocide in general, as well as Indonesia specialists and Indonesians themselves.
Commemoration
In 1988 a national 'Indies Monument' was erected to commemorate the victims of both the Japanese occupation and Indonesian National Revolution in The Hague, Netherlands. There are 8 more Fields of Honour in Indonesia that commemorate the loss of life during the Bersiap and the following police actions.
Notes and citations
- ^ The Bersiap period starts when, after being kidnapped by ‘Pemuda’, Sukarno declares independence (17 August 1945). The Bersiap period ends when (29 November 1946) the last British troops leave Indonesia and the Dutch army officially takes over. The last Japanese troops had already been evacuated (July 1946).
- ^ Pemuda: Young irregular revolutionary fighting forces. Often trained by the Japanese. Also referred to as Pelopor (Frontrunner). Among the Pemuda or Pelopor there were also criminal elements (e.g. looters and murderers), which the newly established Indonesian military leadership tried to filter out, but who were often responsible for some of the early atrocities and war crimes committed. See: Kawilarang, A.E., Officier in dienst van de Republiek Indonesië. (English: 'Officer in service of the Republic of Indonesia' translated into Dutch after the original Indonesian edition, P.H. & H.J. Geurink, Jakarta, 3rd. Edition, Warung Bambu, Breda, 1994) and Cribb, Robert. ‘Gangsters and revolutionaries, the Jakarta peoples militia and the Indonesian revolution 1945-1949.’ (Publisher: Equinox , Singapore, 2009)[1]
- ^ British troops landed on Sumatra October 1945. Former civilian internees on Sumatra, were put up in a few large camps in the sparsely populated interior. They were quickly taken to the coast and concentrated in the cities of Padang, Medan, and Palembang. By the end of November all Japanese internment camps on Sumatra had been cleared. On Sumatra the Japanese cooperated with the British, and the Indonesian nationalists were less militant than on Java. The situation there, despite some rioting in Medan and Padang, was relatively peaceful by the end of 1945. The chaotic Bersiap violence also did not occur on any other island in Indonesia.[2]
- ^ October 12 the Revolutionary government ordered the arrest of all Indo men and boys. In Surabaya 42 Indos were murdered in the basement of the 'Simpang Club' and several hundreds were tortured in the 'Kalisosok Prison' in the Werfstraat. After an Ambonese prison guard informed the British about plans to poison the prisoners (November 9) they were rescued (November 10) by an Indo commander and a Ghurka unit. See: Bussemaker, H.Th. 'Bersiap! - Opstand in het paradijs.' (Walburg Pers, Zutphen, 2005) ISBN 9057303663 summarised in this educational paper: [3]. For an eye witness account of the rescue mission see: [4]
- ^ Frederick, Willam H. 'Visions and Heat: The Making of the Indonesian Revolution' (Publisher Ohio University Press, Athens Ohio, 1989.) P. 237-243 ISBN 0-8214-0906-9
- ^ Japanese military police, Kempeitai, killed Republican pemuda in Pekalongan (Central Java) on 3 October. Japanese troops drove Republican pemuda out of Bandung (West Java), and handed the city to the British.
- ^ The fiercest fighting involving the Japanese military was in Semarang. On October 14, British forces began to occupy the city. Retreating Republican forces retaliated by killing between 130 and 300 Japanese prisoners they were holding. Five hundred Japanese and 2,000 Indonesians had been killed and the Japanese had almost re-captured the city six days later when British forces arrived. See: Ricklefs (1991), page 216.
- ^ The British military subsequently decided to evacuate the 10,000 Indo-Europeans and European internees from the volatile Central Java interior. See: Ricklefs (1991)
- ^ British detachments sent to the towns of Ambarawa and Magelang encountered strong Republican resistance and used air strikes against the Indonesian forces. p. 216; See: McMillan, Richard. 'The British Occupation of Indonesia 1945-1946' (Publisher Routledge, Melbourne, 2005) pp. 306–307 ISBN 0-415-35551-6
- ^ See: the Battle of Surabaya
- ^ In Batavia (Jakarta), where hundreds of autonomous ‘'Pemuda'’ groups existed the last months of 1945 were a terrifying time of regular looting, robbery, kidnapping and random murders were Europeans and Indo-Europeans disappeared even from the heart of the city, to be found floating in the ‘kali’ (canals) days later. See: Cribb, Robert. ‘Gangsters and revolutionaries, the Jakarta peoples militia and the Indonesian revolution 1945-1949.’ (Publisher: Equinox , Singapore, 2009) p.64 ISBN 978-979-3780-71-9
- ^ Republican attacks against alleged pro-Dutch civilians reached a peak in November and December, with 1,200 killed in Bandung. See: Reid (1973), p. 54. The alleged pro-Dutch civilians mostly included native born Indo-European, Indo-Chinese, Christian indigenous people (e.g. Menadonese and Ambonese) and indigenous aristocracy, which made the Bersiap period a chaotic mix of civil war, religious conflict and social revolution.
- ^ In March 1946, departing Republican forces responded to a British ultimatum for them to leave Bandung by deliberately burning down much of the southern half of the city, in what is known as the "Bandung Sea of Fire
- ^ Nasution in West-Java, Sudirman in Middle-Java have a hard time in controlling the many different armed forces and excluding criminal forces from their ranks, but in the end they succeed.
- ^ Leading to an agreement called the Linggadjati Agreement (Dutch: 'Akkoord van Linggadjati'), which eventually failed.
- ^ Republican propaganda during the revolution was used as a form of political warfare, by communicating loaded messages to produce emotional responses and influence the attitude of the masses, with the objective to further its political and military agenda. Effective means of mass communication were the broadcasts of republican radio stations such as 'Radio Pemberontak' and speeches during mass demonstrations. The supreme republican leader Sukarno had mastered these forms of communication. However during the Bersiap period the republican strategic agenda had not yet fully found a common ground and unitary message how to achieve its single mission of independence. Due to this paradox republican communication often fluctuated between moderate (political) and radical (military) messages.
- ^ Meijer, Hans. 'In Indie geworteld, de Geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, de twintigste eeuw.' (Publisher Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2004) p. 247 ISBN 90-351-2617-3
- ^ Meijer, Hans. 'In Indie geworteld, de Geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, de twintigste eeuw.' (Publisher Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2004) P.245 ISBN 90-351-2617-3
- ^ The only pro-Dutch armed forces that existed on Java were basically small re-grouped South Moluccan KNIL units. These so called 'Ambonese' or 'Belanda Hitam' (English: Black Dutch) as they were called by (other) Indonesians consequently retaliated any provocation or attack by 'Pemuda'. Among the million population of Java their numbers of approximately a few thousand were small, but in Batavia their autonomous contra-terror operations escalated to the point that the British military leadership wanted to de-mobilise them from the city. Young Indos seeking revenge for atrocities committed by the 'Pemuda' sometimes joined them (for instance in Bandung were they established an autonomous fighting unit called 'Andjing Nica', along the lines of a KNIL battalion), giving this part of the Bersiap the nature of a civil war. See: Meijer, Hans. 'In Indie geworteld, de Geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders, de twintigste eeuw.' (Publisher Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2004) P.249-250 ISBN 90-351-2617-3
- ^ Nasution, Abdul Haris, Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare and The Indonesian Defence System Past and Future, (Information Service of the Indonesian Armed Forces, Jakarta, 1953) P.50-51
- ^ Bussemaker, H.Th. 'Bersiap! - Opstand in het paradijs.' (Walburg Pers, Zutphen, 2005) ISBN 9057303663
- ^ Former KNIL POWs were still recuperating in Allied military bases outside of Indonesia (e.g. Japan and the Philippines). The British in fact prohibited Dutch troops to enter the country during most of the Bersiap period.
- ^ The main historically objective source is the 30 years spanning South-East Asian research project by the Cornell-University Ithaca, New York State, USA. University website
Bayly, Christopher Harper, Tim ‘’Forgotten Wars, Freedom and revolution in Southeast Asia’’ (Publisher: Harvard University Press, 2006) ISBN 9780674021532
Finally formal academic research commenced in 2017
The following 3 Dutch institutes, have commenced a 4 year researchprogram in 2017, with a budget of € 4,1 milion:
Nederlands Instituut voor Militaire Historie (NIMH), Nederlands Instituut voor Oorlogs-, Holocaust- en Genocidestudies (NIOD) and Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV).
Nederlands Instituut voor Militaire Historie (NIMH), Nederlands Instituut voor Oorlogs-, Holocaust- en Genocidestudies (NIOD) and Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV).
Professor Frederick
Reply by Frederick himself on discussion in Dutch media dated November 2013.
I am afraid things have gotten rather out of hand, with people interpreting my original article in their own way (perhaps without having read it), and misquoting me. For example, I don’t think I said anywhere, and certainly never intended to say, that 250,00 – 300,000 Indonesians were MURDERED. I have suggested that the victims of the bersiap may number 20,00-30,000, a number which I consider reasonable. Those were indeed largely murders. As for the total number of Indonesians who lost their lives during the Revolution as a whole, 250,000 would not be an unreasonable guess, though perhaps on the high side. But that would be deaths from ALL ethnic groups and causes, military as well as civilian, and therefore certainly not murder or genocide.. Here again, however, we will never know. Further, H. Bussemaker did NOT use the word ‘genocide’ in his book, and did not discuss the possibility. That is one reason why I thought it useful to do so. Also Cribb’s use was too tentative, in my view. The whole issue of the definition of ‘genocide” is too huge to discuss here, but I think common sense usage is defensible, at length. I NEVER suggested to the Dutch government (or asked Minister Timmermans) that further research on the Revolution/decolonization period was needed and should be supported, but I privately did agree with the proposal submitted by the KITLV and NIOD, which was turned down. Also, I don’t think I even described his response as a “false reason,” as reported somewhere, though I did think it both unconvincing and unfortunate. I could mention other points, such as that I do not live in Columbus, Ohio, as reported!) but will leave it at that. I am disappointed that the matter has turned into a media circus rather than an opportunity to suggest further research. And of course I wish commentators had read the original article, which appeared in the Journal for Genocide Research. There my arguments are filled out and supported with many primary and secondary sources.
Here is an e-mail interview I prepared for OmroepWest (their questions, not mine), little of which was used. Please note my plea for attempting to find both Truth and Balance.
- Why do you think it is important for the Dutch people to know about this horrible part of Indonesian history?
The Dutch people have heard a great deal about Dutch soldiers’ “war crimes”, “excesses”, and so forth during the immediate postwar period in Indonesia. But they have heard little about the Indonesian violence against Dutch citizens (Dutch and Eurasians), or Chinese, or indeed other Indonesians. It is important that they know about such matters in order to have a more realistic understanding of that period, of the Indonesian Revolution, of the decolonization process, and of the Eurasian population that has been so important – but also so publically neglected – in the Netherlands from that time to the present. It must be said also that Indonesians, perhaps even more than the Dutch, need to know about this part of their history so that they can see their Revolution and their revolutionary heroes in a more realistic – if also rather uncomfortable – light. Truth and balance in our perspective on the past: it seems to me those are worthwhile goals, valuable for the people of both nations.
- Why has this information being held back, out of shame , or because of political consequences for the Netherlands?
First, it is doubtful that we should use to phrase “held back”, as if there is a conspiracy; that is unlikely. But we can ask why the information is not better know, and has not attracted more interest over the years? Those are very difficult and complex questions, and certainly no single response is adequate. Survivors, and the families of those who did not survive, have been very quiet about this dark past, and the reasons are not entirely clear. For some, it was too horrible to re-tell; for others, feelings of guilt that somehow they had been complicit with the evils of colonial oppression have kept them silent. Some perhaps were also silenced by the racial prejudices of the Dutch society around them after arriving in the Netherlands, and feared as well that stories of their experiences would not be believed. And many probably simply wanted to leave the bersiap behind them entirely, and refused to burden their children and grand children with what they knew about that history, which they believed was no longer relevant. Politically, of course, the issue was difficult then, and continues to be now. Which government wants to be seen as having been “on the wrong side of history”? Ironically, since the Dutch has already announced it was on the wrong side of history in opposing the Indonesian Revolution, it would now be forced to say that perhaps those conservatives who argued for many years that Indonesian anti-colonialism and nationalism were not pure, and those others who argued that the plight of Indos and other victims should have been viewed more sympathetically and with greater understanding, were correct….in other words, to suggest it had been only partially on the wrong side. Jakarta finds it difficult at best to say that its national history books have told only the most glorious versions of the Revolution’s history, and that there was a very ugly side as well. There has also been fear in both Jakarta and The Hague that too much truth about the bersiap might lead to lawsuits and political retribution of various kinds, and to nasty outbursts o extreme nationalism. In Jakarta, the specters of Indonesians killing fellow Indonesians, of some Indonesians not supporting the idea of immediate independence, or of Indonesian freedom-fighters also being violent racists, are virtually unmentionable, even in private.
- Can this information be found in Dutch history books? or is this being ignored?
It is not true, as some have argued recently, that a blanket of silence covers the horrors of the bersiaptijd; mention of them can be found in numerous publications on the period, but it is brief and highly generalized. There is also a surprisingly large literature about the bersiap period in general, almost entirely from Indo authors, but these writings have not for the most part reached a general Dutch audience, and tend to be relegated to a fairly segregated “Indisch” category. That includes not only the works of a great many Indisch authors of fiction, but some very detailed historical studies in recent years, for example the substantial studies by H Bussemaker and W. Meelhuizen. I think the general attitude of the Dutch public has been embarrassment (because these views are at odds with the the politically correct view that the Dutch were the ones in the wrong) and boredom (that was then and this is now).
- How can that be solved? more info, media attention ?
For all of the reasons already mentioned, it will be difficult, perhaps impossible, for the issue to be made genuinely interesting, meaningful, and important to today’s readers. We should, however, for the sake of posterity, make a renewed effort to bring as many details and realities to light as possible. This will require new research projects along the lines suggested last June, which the Dutch government refused to fund for the, in my opinion, rather spurious reason that the research and resulting knowledge might disturb diplomatic relations. But in the end perhaps the best we can hope for is a modest correction of the historical record as it appears in history books and texts used in schools and universities in both the Netherlands and Indonesia. Again, truth and balance are worthwhile goals.
- How many people have died during this period ?
This is perhaps the most troublesome basic question about the bersiap. Too many authors seem to believe that it was “only a few hundred”, or repeat the number used even by L. De Jong, which is 3,500. These are certainly far too low. My own guess is that an accurate figure lies somewhere between 20,000 and 30,000, and may be somewhat higher. In all likelihood we will never know even the approximately correct figure, but that should not prevent us from acknowledging that it was a much larger number than has been thought.
- Will survivors ever be compensated in some form ?
Questions of this type are precisely what makes both Jakarta and The Hague fear any discussion of the subject at all. I do not see how “compensation” is a relevant matter, except that victims of the bersiap were victims of war and revolution. The direct fault lies with the killers, who cannot be specifically identified and are in any case now deceased. Should it be suggested that the Dutch government is to blame for not protecting these people? That would hardly be realistic. Should Jakarta be held responsible? That is equally untenable. Besides, as most survivors and their families have repeatedly – repeatedly – said, compensation is not their goal. They want acknowledgment of reality and an accurate place in the historical record. Surely that is a fairly modest proposal.
Reply by Frederick himself on discussion in Dutch media dated November 2013.
I am afraid things have gotten rather out of hand, with people interpreting my original article in their own way (perhaps without having read it), and misquoting me. For example, I don’t think I said anywhere, and certainly never intended to say, that 250,00 – 300,000 Indonesians were MURDERED. I have suggested that the victims of the bersiap may number 20,00-30,000, a number which I consider reasonable. Those were indeed largely murders. As for the total number of Indonesians who lost their lives during the Revolution as a whole, 250,000 would not be an unreasonable guess, though perhaps on the high side. But that would be deaths from ALL ethnic groups and causes, military as well as civilian, and therefore certainly not murder or genocide.. Here again, however, we will never know. Further, H. Bussemaker did NOT use the word ‘genocide’ in his book, and did not discuss the possibility. That is one reason why I thought it useful to do so. Also Cribb’s use was too tentative, in my view. The whole issue of the definition of ‘genocide” is too huge to discuss here, but I think common sense usage is defensible, at length. I NEVER suggested to the Dutch government (or asked Minister Timmermans) that further research on the Revolution/decolonization period was needed and should be supported, but I privately did agree with the proposal submitted by the KITLV and NIOD, which was turned down. Also, I don’t think I even described his response as a “false reason,” as reported somewhere, though I did think it both unconvincing and unfortunate. I could mention other points, such as that I do not live in Columbus, Ohio, as reported!) but will leave it at that. I am disappointed that the matter has turned into a media circus rather than an opportunity to suggest further research. And of course I wish commentators had read the original article, which appeared in the Journal for Genocide Research. There my arguments are filled out and supported with many primary and secondary sources.
Here is an e-mail interview I prepared for OmroepWest (their questions, not mine), little of which was used. Please note my plea for attempting to find both Truth and Balance.
- Why do you think it is important for the Dutch people to know about this horrible part of Indonesian history?
The Dutch people have heard a great deal about Dutch soldiers’ “war crimes”, “excesses”, and so forth during the immediate postwar period in Indonesia. But they have heard little about the Indonesian violence against Dutch citizens (Dutch and Eurasians), or Chinese, or indeed other Indonesians. It is important that they know about such matters in order to have a more realistic understanding of that period, of the Indonesian Revolution, of the decolonization process, and of the Eurasian population that has been so important – but also so publically neglected – in the Netherlands from that time to the present. It must be said also that Indonesians, perhaps even more than the Dutch, need to know about this part of their history so that they can see their Revolution and their revolutionary heroes in a more realistic – if also rather uncomfortable – light. Truth and balance in our perspective on the past: it seems to me those are worthwhile goals, valuable for the people of both nations.
- Why has this information being held back, out of shame , or because of political consequences for the Netherlands?
First, it is doubtful that we should use to phrase “held back”, as if there is a conspiracy; that is unlikely. But we can ask why the information is not better know, and has not attracted more interest over the years? Those are very difficult and complex questions, and certainly no single response is adequate. Survivors, and the families of those who did not survive, have been very quiet about this dark past, and the reasons are not entirely clear. For some, it was too horrible to re-tell; for others, feelings of guilt that somehow they had been complicit with the evils of colonial oppression have kept them silent. Some perhaps were also silenced by the racial prejudices of the Dutch society around them after arriving in the Netherlands, and feared as well that stories of their experiences would not be believed. And many probably simply wanted to leave the bersiap behind them entirely, and refused to burden their children and grand children with what they knew about that history, which they believed was no longer relevant. Politically, of course, the issue was difficult then, and continues to be now. Which government wants to be seen as having been “on the wrong side of history”? Ironically, since the Dutch has already announced it was on the wrong side of history in opposing the Indonesian Revolution, it would now be forced to say that perhaps those conservatives who argued for many years that Indonesian anti-colonialism and nationalism were not pure, and those others who argued that the plight of Indos and other victims should have been viewed more sympathetically and with greater understanding, were correct….in other words, to suggest it had been only partially on the wrong side. Jakarta finds it difficult at best to say that its national history books have told only the most glorious versions of the Revolution’s history, and that there was a very ugly side as well. There has also been fear in both Jakarta and The Hague that too much truth about the bersiap might lead to lawsuits and political retribution of various kinds, and to nasty outbursts o extreme nationalism. In Jakarta, the specters of Indonesians killing fellow Indonesians, of some Indonesians not supporting the idea of immediate independence, or of Indonesian freedom-fighters also being violent racists, are virtually unmentionable, even in private.
- Can this information be found in Dutch history books? or is this being ignored?
It is not true, as some have argued recently, that a blanket of silence covers the horrors of the bersiaptijd; mention of them can be found in numerous publications on the period, but it is brief and highly generalized. There is also a surprisingly large literature about the bersiap period in general, almost entirely from Indo authors, but these writings have not for the most part reached a general Dutch audience, and tend to be relegated to a fairly segregated “Indisch” category. That includes not only the works of a great many Indisch authors of fiction, but some very detailed historical studies in recent years, for example the substantial studies by H Bussemaker and W. Meelhuizen. I think the general attitude of the Dutch public has been embarrassment (because these views are at odds with the the politically correct view that the Dutch were the ones in the wrong) and boredom (that was then and this is now).
- How can that be solved? more info, media attention ?
For all of the reasons already mentioned, it will be difficult, perhaps impossible, for the issue to be made genuinely interesting, meaningful, and important to today’s readers. We should, however, for the sake of posterity, make a renewed effort to bring as many details and realities to light as possible. This will require new research projects along the lines suggested last June, which the Dutch government refused to fund for the, in my opinion, rather spurious reason that the research and resulting knowledge might disturb diplomatic relations. But in the end perhaps the best we can hope for is a modest correction of the historical record as it appears in history books and texts used in schools and universities in both the Netherlands and Indonesia. Again, truth and balance are worthwhile goals.
- How many people have died during this period ?
This is perhaps the most troublesome basic question about the bersiap. Too many authors seem to believe that it was “only a few hundred”, or repeat the number used even by L. De Jong, which is 3,500. These are certainly far too low. My own guess is that an accurate figure lies somewhere between 20,000 and 30,000, and may be somewhat higher. In all likelihood we will never know even the approximately correct figure, but that should not prevent us from acknowledging that it was a much larger number than has been thought.
- Will survivors ever be compensated in some form ?
Questions of this type are precisely what makes both Jakarta and The Hague fear any discussion of the subject at all. I do not see how “compensation” is a relevant matter, except that victims of the bersiap were victims of war and revolution. The direct fault lies with the killers, who cannot be specifically identified and are in any case now deceased. Should it be suggested that the Dutch government is to blame for not protecting these people? That would hardly be realistic. Should Jakarta be held responsible? That is equally untenable. Besides, as most survivors and their families have repeatedly – repeatedly – said, compensation is not their goal. They want acknowledgment of reality and an accurate place in the historical record. Surely that is a fairly modest proposal.
Bersiap atrocities
Events occurred 22 October 1945 at the Simpang Society Surabaya. Headquarters of the P.R.I. commanded by Soetomo.
Archived eye witness testimony dated 29 November 1947 of Leonore Sinsu-Andries born in Surabaya 5 April 1898 states:
"Before each execution Soetomo asked the crowd what should be done with this "Musuh (enemy) of the people". The crowd yelled "Bunuh!" (kill!) after which the executioner named Rustam decapitated the victim with one stroke of his sword. The victim was then left to the bloodthirst of boys 10, 11 and 12 years old."
Archived eye witness testimony dated 29 November 1947 of Leonore Sinsu-Andries born in Surabaya 5 April 1898 states:
"Before each execution Soetomo asked the crowd what should be done with this "Musuh (enemy) of the people". The crowd yelled "Bunuh!" (kill!) after which the executioner named Rustam decapitated the victim with one stroke of his sword. The victim was then left to the bloodthirst of boys 10, 11 and 12 years old."
Source: 'Bevrijding zonder vrede' - Part I. An episode of 'Archief van Tranen' TV documentary series by 'Omroep MAX'. Dated: 12 August 2012. Timeline 11:10-12:25
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Additional online sources in the Dutch Language:
Additional online articles (English): |
Download whole article (Dutch):
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Indies Monument est. 1988
The Indies Monument (Dutch: Indisch Monument) is a memorial in The Hague in memory of all Dutch citizens and soldiers killed during World War II as a result of the Japanese occupation (1941–1945) and the postwar Bersiap in the former Dutch East Indies. It is dedicated to all who died in battle, in prison camps or during forced labor. As stated in the mission statement of the 15 August 1945 Commemoration Foundation, it is also:
“A place where you can pass on to your children the part of your childhood spent in the Dutch East Indies”
The monument is unique, due to the fact that earth from the seven war cemeteries in Indonesia has been placed in an urn mounted on a small column at the front of the monument. In fall 2008 a second urn, with earth from the Galala Tantui war cemetery on Ambon Island, was placed behind the column.
Before the commemoration ceremony each year, the Dutch ambassador to Indonesia lays a wreath at the Menteng Pulo war cemetery on Java in cooperation with the Foundation. Once every five years (in 2010 and 2015), in coordination with the Dutch embassies and the Dutch War Graves Foundation, wreaths are also laid at all other war cemeteries in Indonesia, Australia and Southeast Asia where Dutch victims of war are buried. In addition to this monument a commemoration site in Bronbeek, Arnhem was established in 2010.
Design
Designed by Jaroslawa Dankowa, the monument was unveiled on August 15, 1988 by Queen Beatrix. It consists of 17 bronze sculptures, a map of Indonesia and the inscription, "The spirit conquers”. Its design was chosen in 1986 by the Mayor of Amsterdam (a former government official in the Dutch East Indies) and the Deputy Mayor of Amsterdam (a former resistance fighter). The commission for the design stated:
"Recognition through a representation of the struggle and the conquest. The humiliation, the repression, hardship, pain and despair. But also the hope, perseverance, courage and solidarity. Acknowledgement through a portrayal of our understanding today of the causes, the circumstances and consequences of that suffering."
Development
It took the Netherlands 43 years to erect a national monument to its war victims in the Dutch East Indies. Until 1961, the National Remembrance of the Dead Day (May 4) and Liberation Day (May 5) were primarily dedicated to the Dutch victims of Nazi Germany. Since 1962, they include soldiers and civilians fallen during the Indonesian National Revolution.
Memorial Day at the Indies Monument is August 15, the date of the Japanese surrender. Unlike May 5 (the date of the German capitulation), it is not a public holiday in the Netherlands.
"In the years following the transfer of sovereignty of the Dutch East Indies to Indonesia (1949) the political climate in the Netherlands was marked by sensitivity in relation to Indonesia and a sense of shame about the Netherlands’ colonial past. As a result it took a long time before there was any interest in the war victims of the former Dutch East Indies colony."
Kaifu incident
Three years after the monument was unveiled, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu laid a decorative garland at the monument on July 19, 1991 during his state visit. Later that day, the wreath was thrown into the water by a Dutch Indo demonstrator. Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers expressed his regret about the incident to Kaifu, which led to further angry reactions from Indo survivors of the Japanese occupation.
“A place where you can pass on to your children the part of your childhood spent in the Dutch East Indies”
The monument is unique, due to the fact that earth from the seven war cemeteries in Indonesia has been placed in an urn mounted on a small column at the front of the monument. In fall 2008 a second urn, with earth from the Galala Tantui war cemetery on Ambon Island, was placed behind the column.
Before the commemoration ceremony each year, the Dutch ambassador to Indonesia lays a wreath at the Menteng Pulo war cemetery on Java in cooperation with the Foundation. Once every five years (in 2010 and 2015), in coordination with the Dutch embassies and the Dutch War Graves Foundation, wreaths are also laid at all other war cemeteries in Indonesia, Australia and Southeast Asia where Dutch victims of war are buried. In addition to this monument a commemoration site in Bronbeek, Arnhem was established in 2010.
Design
Designed by Jaroslawa Dankowa, the monument was unveiled on August 15, 1988 by Queen Beatrix. It consists of 17 bronze sculptures, a map of Indonesia and the inscription, "The spirit conquers”. Its design was chosen in 1986 by the Mayor of Amsterdam (a former government official in the Dutch East Indies) and the Deputy Mayor of Amsterdam (a former resistance fighter). The commission for the design stated:
"Recognition through a representation of the struggle and the conquest. The humiliation, the repression, hardship, pain and despair. But also the hope, perseverance, courage and solidarity. Acknowledgement through a portrayal of our understanding today of the causes, the circumstances and consequences of that suffering."
Development
It took the Netherlands 43 years to erect a national monument to its war victims in the Dutch East Indies. Until 1961, the National Remembrance of the Dead Day (May 4) and Liberation Day (May 5) were primarily dedicated to the Dutch victims of Nazi Germany. Since 1962, they include soldiers and civilians fallen during the Indonesian National Revolution.
Memorial Day at the Indies Monument is August 15, the date of the Japanese surrender. Unlike May 5 (the date of the German capitulation), it is not a public holiday in the Netherlands.
"In the years following the transfer of sovereignty of the Dutch East Indies to Indonesia (1949) the political climate in the Netherlands was marked by sensitivity in relation to Indonesia and a sense of shame about the Netherlands’ colonial past. As a result it took a long time before there was any interest in the war victims of the former Dutch East Indies colony."
Kaifu incident
Three years after the monument was unveiled, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu laid a decorative garland at the monument on July 19, 1991 during his state visit. Later that day, the wreath was thrown into the water by a Dutch Indo demonstrator. Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers expressed his regret about the incident to Kaifu, which led to further angry reactions from Indo survivors of the Japanese occupation.
Poem We can only hope that a later race of people,
who have no need for battle, remember how it used to be, and tell their children: that there were heroes then, young and real, who were greater than the world could stand, who stood up for justice in doing their duty, and who did their duty until their deaths; that there were mothers then, who saw the suffering they had already endured worsen, with a loss so unfathomable and cruel, a loss which only a mother could bear so proudly; that there were battles all around then, and sadness for those who could not save themselves from the battle; that not a day went by without someone, somewhere, shedding tears. People of the later years, if you are lonely and feeling sad on a quiet evening, think then of the sadness of this time, and how many hearts were then crushed….. |
Monuments in IndonesiaThe Ancol war cemetery on the coast near Jakarta (Tandjong
Priok) is located on the site where the atrocities actually took place. The Menteng Pulo war cemetery at Jakarta. The Pandu war cemetery at Bandung The Pandu war cemetery lies on a slope, with the flag monument at its highest point. The Leuwigajah war cemetery at Cimahi This is the war cemetery with the largest number of graves. The Kalibanteng and Candi war cemeteries at Semarang The Kalibanteng cemetery contains the graves of many female victims of war, and those of children. These people died in the notorious women’s camps such as Ambarawa and Lampersarie. The women’s monument and the boys’ camp monument have been erected in their memory. The Candi military cemetery was established on the initiative of the soldiers in the first contingent of Netherlands troops. The Kembang Kuning war cemetery at Surabaya. Civilian victims of the camps on East Java and soldiers from the KL, KNIL and Navy. Ambon War Cemetery. Only monument left outside Java. The other 15 fields of honour outside of Java were uprooted on request of the Indonesian government in the 60s. http://www.ogs.nl/docs/NetherlandswarcemeteriesIndonesia.pdf |
Soft copies of articles related to the Bersiap topic: (Dutch language newspapers)
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